Grover Cleveland's 1885 Inaugural Address(格罗弗·克利夫兰1885年就职演说)

Grover Cleveland's 1885 Inaugural Address(格罗弗·克利夫兰1885年就职演说)

演讲内容

20
演讲背景:1885年3月4日,格罗弗·克利夫兰在华盛顿特区国会大厦宣誓就职,成为美国第二十二任总统。这是美国内战后第一位民主党总统,标志着民主党在联邦层面的重新崛起。克利夫兰的就职演说体现了他作为改革者的核心信念,强调诚实、正直和有限政府的原则。他在演说中呼吁结束党派纷争,倡导爱国主义精神,并强调宪法的神圣性和法治原则。他特别关注财政改革,主张减少政府开支、避免不必要的税收,并反对政治恩惠制度。此外,他还谈到了外交政策(坚持门罗主义和中立立场)、公共土地保护、印第安人事务、文官制度改革以及公民权利等重要议题。这篇演说是克利夫兰政治理念的全面阐述,为他第一个任期奠定了基调。他后来以否决大量法案而闻名,赢得了'否决总统'的称号。

Fellow-Citizens:

In the presence of this vast assemblage of my countrymen I am about to supplement and seal by the oath which I shall take the manifestation of the will of a great and free people.

In the exercise of their power and right of self-government they have committed to one of their fellow-citizens a supreme and sacred trust, and he here consecrates himself to their service.

This impressive ceremony adds little to the solemn sense of responsibility with which I contemplate the duty I owe to all the people of the land.

Nothing can relieve me from anxiety lest by any act of mine their interests may suffer, and nothing is needed to strengthen my resolution to engage every faculty and effort in the promotion of their welfare.

Amid the din of party strife the people's choice was made, but its attendant circumstances have demonstrated anew the strength and safety of a government by the people.

In each succeeding year it more clearly appears that our democratic principle needs no apology, and that in its fearless and faithful application is to be found the surest guaranty of good government.

But the best results in the operation of a government wherein every citizen has a share largely depend upon a proper limitation of purely partisan zeal and effort and a correct appreciation of the time when the heat of the partisan should be merged in the patriotism of the citizen.

To-day the executive branch of the Government is transferred to new keeping.

But this is still the Government of all the people, and it should be none the less an object of their affectionate solicitude.

At this hour the animosities of political strife, the bitterness of partisan defeat, and the exultation of partisan triumph should be supplanted by an ungrudging acquiescence in the popular will and a sober, conscientious concern for the general weal.

Moreover, if from this hour we cheerfully and honestly abandon all sectional prejudice and distrust, and determine, with manly confidence in one another, to work out harmoniously the achievements of our national destiny, we shall deserve to realize all the benefits which our happy form of government can bestow.

On this auspicious occasion we may well renew the pledge of our devotion to the Constitution, which, launched by the founders of the Republic and consecrated by their prayers and patriotic devotion, has for almost a century borne the hopes and the aspirations of a great people through prosperity and peace and through the shock of foreign conflicts and the perils of domestic strife and vicissitudes.

By the Father of his Country our Constitution was commended for adoption as "the result of a spirit of amity and mutual concession."

In that same spirit it should be administered, in order to promote the lasting welfare of the country and to secure the full measure of its priceless benefits to us and to those who will succeed to the blessings of our national life.

The large variety of diverse and competing interests subject to Federal control, persistently seeking the recognition of their claims, need give us no fear that "the greatest good to the greatest number" will fail to be accomplished if in the halls of national legislation that spirit of amity and mutual concession shall prevail in which the Constitution had its birth.

If this involves the surrender or postponement of private interests and the abandonment of local advantages, compensation will be found in the assurance that the common interest is subserved and the general welfare advanced.

In the discharge of my official duty I shall endeavor to be guided by a just and unstrained construction of the Constitution, a careful observance of the distinction between the powers granted to the Federal Government and those reserved to the States or to the people, and by a cautious appreciation of those functions which by the Constitution and laws have been especially assigned to the executive branch of the Government.

But he who takes the oath today to preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States only assumes the solemn obligation which every patriotic citizen--on the farm, in the workshop, in the busy marts of trade, and everywhere--should share with him.

The Constitution which prescribes his oath, my countrymen, is yours; the Government you have chosen him to administer for a time is yours; the suffrage which executes the will of freemen is yours; the laws and the entire scheme of our civil rule, from the town meeting to the State capitals and the national capital, is yours.

Your every voter, as surely as your Chief Magistrate, under the same high sanction, though in a different sphere, exercises a public trust.

Nor is this all. Every citizen owes to the country a vigilant watch and close scrutiny of its public servants and a fair and reasonable estimate of their fidelity and usefulness.

Thus is the people's will impressed upon the whole framework of our civil polity--municipal, State, and Federal; and this is the price of our liberty and the inspiration of our faith in the Republic.

It is the duty of those serving the people in public place to closely limit public expenditures to the actual needs of the Government economically administered, because this bounds the right of the Government to exact tribute from the earnings of labor or the property of the citizen, and because public extravagance begets extravagance among the people.

We should never be ashamed of the simplicity and prudential economies which are best suited to the operation of a republican form of government and most compatible with the mission of the American people.

Those who are selected for a limited time to manage public affairs are still of the people, and may do much by their example to encourage, consistently with the dignity of their official functions, that plain way of life which among their fellow-citizens aids integrity and promotes thrift and prosperity.

The genius of our institutions, the needs of our people in their home life, and the attention which is demanded for the settlement and development of the resources of our vast territory dictate the scrupulous avoidance of any departure from that foreign policy commended by the history, the traditions, and the prosperity of our Republic.

It is the policy of independence, favored by our position and defended by our known love of justice and by our power.

It is the policy of peace suitable to our interests.

It is the policy of neutrality, rejecting any share in foreign broils and ambitions upon other continents and repelling their intrusion here.

It is the policy of Monroe and of Washington and Jefferson--"Peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations; entangling alliance with none."

A due regard for the interests and prosperity of all the people demands that our finances shall be established upon such a sound and sensible basis as shall secure the safety and confidence of business interests and make the wage of labor sure and steady.

And that our system of revenue shall be so adjusted as to relieve the people of unnecessary taxation, having a due regard to the interests of capital invested and workingmen employed in American industries, and preventing the accumulation of a surplus in the Treasury to tempt extravagance and waste.

Care for the property of the nation and for the needs of future settlers requires that the public domain should be protected from purloining schemes and unlawful occupation.

The conscience of the people demands that the Indians within our boundaries shall be fairly and honestly treated as wards of the Government and their education and civilization promoted with a view to their ultimate citizenship.

And that polygamy in the Territories, destructive of the family relation and offensive to the moral sense of the civilized world, shall be repressed.

The laws should be rigidly enforced which prohibit the immigration of a servile class to compete with American labor, with no intention of acquiring citizenship, and bringing with them and retaining habits and customs repugnant to our civilization.

The people demand reform in the administration of the Government and the application of business principles to public affairs.

As a means to this end, civil-service reform should be in good faith enforced.

Our citizens have the right to protection from the incompetency of public employees who hold their places solely as the reward of partisan service, and from the corrupting influence of those who promise and the vicious methods of those who expect such rewards.

And those who worthily seek public employment have the right to insist that merit and competency shall be recognized instead of party subserviency or the surrender of honest political belief.

In the administration of a government pledged to do equal and exact justice to all men there should be no pretext for anxiety touching the protection of the freedmen in their rights or their security in the enjoyment of their privileges under the Constitution and its amendments.

All discussion as to their fitness for the place accorded to them as American citizens is idle and unprofitable except as it suggests the necessity for their improvement.

The fact that they are citizens entitles them to all the rights due to that relation and charges them with all its duties, obligations, and responsibilities.

These topics and the constant and ever-varying wants of an active and enterprising population may well receive the attention and the patriotic endeavor of all who make and execute the Federal law.

Our duties are practical and call for industrious application, an intelligent perception of the claims of public office, and, above all, a firm determination, by united action, to secure to all the people of the land the full benefits of the best form of government ever vouchsafed to man.

And let us not trust to human effort alone, but humbly acknowledging the power and goodness of Almighty God, who presides over the destiny of nations, and who has at all times been revealed in our country's history, let us invoke His aid and His blessings upon our labors.

inaugurationpresidentialcleveland

关于演讲者

查看详情
Grover Cleveland(格罗弗·克利夫兰)

Grover Cleveland(格罗弗·克利夫兰)

美国唯一非连任两任总统

出生1837国籍美国

格罗弗·克利夫兰(Grover Cleveland,1837年3月18日-1908年6月24日)是美国第二十二和第二十四任总统,是美国历史上唯一一位担任两届非连续任期的总统。他出生于新泽西州考德威尔,父亲是一名长老会牧师。由于家庭贫困,他未能完成大学学业,后来通过自学成为律师。克利夫兰的政治生涯始于纽约州布法罗市,他担任过市律师和市长,以打击腐败和政治恩惠而闻名。1882年,他当选为纽约州州长,继续推行改革政策,赢得了广泛赞誉。1884年,他代表民主党参加总统选举,击败共和党候选人詹姆斯·布莱恩,成为自内战以来第一位民主党总统。作为总统,克利夫兰以严格遵守宪法和否决大量法案而著称。他在第一个任期内否决了超过400项法案,包括许多私人养老金申请和腐败的拨款项目,因此获得了'否决总统'的称号。他坚决反对政治恩惠制度,推动文官制度改革。在经济政策上,他主张低关税和财政保守主义,努力减少政府开支。他还致力于保护公共土地,反对非法侵占。1888年,他在连任选举中输给本杰明·哈里森,但在1892年重新当选,成为唯一一位两次当选但任期不连续的总统。他的第二个任期面临严重的经济危机(1893年恐慌),他采取保守措施应对危机,但效果不佳。他反对政府干预经济,拒绝使用联邦资金救助陷入困境的企业和银行,这引起了争议。卸任后,克利夫兰回到新泽西州,继续从事法律工作,并撰写了回忆录。他于1908年去世,享年71岁。尽管他的政治生涯充满争议,但他以诚实、正直和坚定的原则性著称,被认为是美国历史上最有原则的总统之一。

诚实的政府是最好的政府。

返回演讲文库