Thank you. Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you. Please, have a seat. Thank you very much. I want to begin by thanking Hillary Clinton, who has traveled so much these last six months that she is approaching a new landmark -- one million frequent flyer miles. I count on Hillary every single day, and I believe that she will go down as one of the finest Secretaries of State in our nation’s history. 谢谢。谢谢。非常感谢。谢谢。请坐。非常感谢。我想首先感谢希拉里·克林顿，过去六个月她四处奔波，飞行里程即将达到一个新里程碑——一百万常旅客里程。我每天都依赖希拉里，我相信她将作为我国历史上最优秀的国务卿之一被载入史册。
The State Department is a fitting venue to mark a new chapter in American diplomacy. For six months, we have witnessed an extraordinary change taking place in the Middle East and North Africa. Square by square, town by town, country by country, the people have risen up to demand their basic human rights. Two leaders have stepped aside. More may follow. And though these countries may be a great distance from our shores, we know that our own future is bound to this region by the forces of economics and security, by history and by faith. 国务院是标志美国外交新篇章的恰当地点。六个月来，我们见证了中东和北非正在发生的非凡变革。从一个广场到另一个广场，从一个城镇到另一个城镇，从一个国家到另一个国家，人民奋起要求基本人权。两位领导人已经下台。可能还会有更多。虽然这些国家距离我们的海岸遥远，但我们知道，经济和安全的力量、历史和信仰将我们自身的未来与这个地区紧密相连。
Today, I want to talk about this change -- the forces that are driving it and how we can respond in a way that advances our values and strengthens our security. 今天，我想谈谈这一变革——推动它的力量，以及我们如何以推进自身价值观、加强自身安全的方式作出回应。
Now, already, we’ve done much to shift our foreign policy following a decade defined by two costly conflicts. After years of war in Iraq, we’ve removed 100,000 American troops and ended our combat mission there. In Afghanistan, we’ve broken the Taliban’s momentum, and this July we will begin to bring our troops home and continue a transition to Afghan lead. And after years of war against al Qaeda and its affiliates, we have dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader, Osama bin Laden. 经历了由两场代价高昂的冲突所定义的十年之后，我们已经大力调整了外交政策。在伊拉克经历了多年战争后，我们撤出了十万名美军，并结束了在那里的作战任务。在阿富汗，我们挫败了塔利班的势头，今年七月我们将开始撤回军队，继续向阿富汗主导的过渡。在与基地组织及其分支进行了多年战争之后，我们通过击毙其领导人奥萨马·本·拉登，给了基地组织沉重打击。
Bin Laden was no martyr. He was a mass murderer who offered a message of hate -- an insistence that Muslims had to take up arms against the West, and that violence against men, women and children was the only path to change. He rejected democracy and individual rights for Muslims in favor of violent extremism; his agenda focused on what he could destroy -- not what he could build. 本·拉登不是什么殉道者。他是个大规模杀人犯，传递的是仇恨的信息——他坚称穆斯林必须对西方拿起武器，暴力对待男人、女人和儿童是唯一的变革之路。他拒绝给予穆斯林民主和个人权利，转而支持暴力极端主义；他的议程专注于他能摧毁什么——而不是他能建设什么。
Bin Laden and his murderous vision won some adherents. But even before his death, al Qaeda was losing its struggle for relevance, as the overwhelming majority of people saw that the slaughter of innocents did not answer their cries for a better life. By the time we found bin Laden, al Qaeda’s agenda had come to be seen by the vast majority of the region as a dead end, and the people of the Middle East and North Africa had taken their future into their own hands. 本·拉登及其杀人魔王的愿景确实赢得了一些追随者。但甚至在他死之前，基地组织就在为其存在感而苦苦挣扎，因为绝大多数人已经看到，屠杀无辜者并不能回应他们对更好生活的渴望。当我们找到本·拉登时，基地组织的议程已被该地区绝大多数人视为死路一条，中东和北非的人民已经将命运掌握在了自己手中。
That story of self-determination began six months ago in Tunisia. On December 17th, a young vendor named Mohammed Bouazizi was devastated when a police officer confiscated his cart. This was not unique. It’s the same kind of humiliation that takes place every day in many parts of the world -- the relentless tyranny of governments that deny their citizens dignity. 这个自决的故事始于六个月前的突尼斯。12月17日，一个名叫穆罕默德·布阿齐兹的年轻小贩，当一名警察没收了他的手推车时，他陷入了绝望。这并非个例。这是世界上许多地方每天都在发生的那种屈辱——政府无情地暴政统治，剥夺其公民的尊严。
Only this time, something different happened. After local officials refused to hear his complaints, this young man, who had never been particularly active in politics, went to the headquarters of the provincial government, doused himself in fuel, and lit himself on fire. 只是这一次，发生了不同的事情。在当地官员拒绝听取他的申诉后，这个从未特别热衷于政治的年轻人，走向了省政府总部，在身上浇满燃料，点燃了自己。
There are times in the course of history when the actions of ordinary citizens spark movements for change because they speak to a longing for freedom that has been building up for years. In America, think of the defiance of those patriots in Boston who refused to pay taxes to a King, or the dignity of Rosa Parks as she sat courageously in her seat. 在历史进程中，总有一些时刻，普通公民的行动点燃了变革运动，因为它们诉说了多年来积聚的对自由的渴望。在美国，想想波士顿那些拒绝向国王纳税的爱国者的抗争，或者罗莎·帕克斯勇敢地坐在座位上所展现的尊严。
So it was in Tunisia, as that vendor’s act of desperation tapped into the frustration felt throughout the country. Hundreds of protesters took to the streets, then thousands. And in the face of batons and sometimes bullets, they refused to go home -- day after day, week after week -- until a dictator of more than two decades finally left power. 突尼斯也是如此，那个小贩绝望的举动点燃了全国积蓄已久的不满。数百名抗议者走上街头，然后是数千人。面对警棍甚至子弹，他们拒绝回家——日复一日，周复一周——直到统治了二十多年的独裁者最终下台。
The story of this revolution, and the ones that followed, should not have come as a surprise. The nations of the Middle East and North Africa won their independence long ago, but in too many places their people did not. In too many countries, power has been concentrated in the hands of a few. In too many countries, a citizen like that young vendor had nowhere to turn -- no honest judiciary to hear his case; no independent media to give him voice; no credible political party to represent his views; no free and fair election where he could choose his leader. 这场革命以及随后的其他革命，本不应令人意外。中东和北非的国家很久以前就赢得了独立，但在太多地方，那里的人民却没有。在太多国家，权力集中在少数人手中。在太多国家，像那个年轻小贩一样的公民无处求助——没有公正的司法机构审理他的案件；没有独立的媒体为他发声；没有可信的政党代表他的观点；没有自由公正的选举让他选择自己的领导人。
And this lack of self-determination -- the chance to make your life what you will -- has applied to the region’s economy as well. Yes, some nations are blessed with wealth in oil and gas, and that has led to pockets of prosperity. But in a global economy based on knowledge, based on innovation, no development strategy can be based solely upon what comes out of the ground. Nor can people reach their potential when you cannot start a business without paying a bribe. 这种缺乏自决的状况——即掌控自己人生的机会——也同样存在于该地区的经济领域。是的，一些国家拥有石油和天然气财富，由此带来了一些繁荣的孤岛。但在一个以知识为基础、以创新为基础的全球经济中，任何发展战略都不能仅仅依赖从地下开采出来的东西。当不贿赂就无法创业时，人民也无法发挥他们的潜力。
In the face of these challenges, too many leaders in the region tried to direct their people’s grievances elsewhere. The West was blamed as the source of all ills, a half-century after the end of colonialism. Antagonism toward Israel became the only acceptable outlet for political expression. Divisions of tribe, ethnicity and religious sect were manipulated as a means of holding on to power, or taking it away from somebody else. 面对这些挑战，该地区太多领导人试图将人民的不满引向别处。在殖民主义结束半个世纪后，西方仍被指责为一切祸患的根源。对以色列的敌意成为唯一可接受的政治表达出口。部落、族群和宗教教派的分歧被操纵为保住权力或夺取他人权力的手段。
But the events of the past six months show us that strategies of repression and strategies of diversion will not work anymore. Satellite television and the Internet provide a window into the wider world -- a world of astonishing progress in places like India and Indonesia and Brazil. Cell phones and social networks allow young people to connect and organize like never before. And so a new generation has emerged. And their voices tell us that change cannot be denied. 但过去六个月的事件告诉我们，镇压和转移注意力的策略已不再奏效。卫星电视和互联网提供了了解更广阔世界的窗口——一个在印度、印度尼西亚和巴西等地取得惊人进步的世界。手机和社交网络让年轻人以前所未有的方式联系和组织。于是一代新人崛起了。他们的声音告诉我们，变革不可阻挡。
In Cairo, we heard the voice of the young mother who said, “It’s like I can finally breathe fresh air for the first time.” 在开罗，我们听到了一位年轻母亲的声音，她说："就像我第一次终于能呼吸到新鲜空气。"
In Sanaa, we heard the students who chanted, “The night must come to an end.” 在萨那，我们听到学生们高喊："黑夜终将结束。"
In Benghazi, we heard the engineer who said, “Our words are free now. It’s a feeling you can’t explain.” 在班加西，我们听到一位工程师说："我们的言语现在自由了。那是一种无法言说的感觉。"
In Damascus, we heard the young man who said, “After the first yelling, the first shout, you feel dignity.” 在大马士革，我们听到一位年轻人说："在第一次呐喊、第一次呼喊之后，你感受到了尊严。"
Those shouts of human dignity are being heard across the region. And through the moral force of nonviolence, the people of the region have achieved more change in six months than terrorists have accomplished in decades. 人权的呐喊在整个地区回响。通过非暴力的道德力量，该地区人民在六个月内取得的变革，超过了恐怖分子在数十年间所实现的。
Of course, change of this magnitude does not come easily. In our day and age -- a time of 24-hour news cycles and constant communication -- people expect the transformation of the region to be resolved in a matter of weeks. But it will be years before this story reaches its end. Along the way, there will be good days and there will bad days. In some places, change will be swift; in others, gradual. And as we’ve already seen, calls for change may give way, in some cases, to fierce contests for power. 当然，如此规模的变革来之不易。在我们这个时代——一个全天候新闻循环和持续沟通的时代——人们期望该地区的转型在几周内就能解决。但这个故事需要数年才能走到终点。在此过程中，会有好日子，也会有坏日子。在某些地方，变革会迅速到来；在另一些地方，则将是渐进的。而且正如我们已经看到的，对变革的呼声在某些情况下可能让位于激烈的权力争夺。
The question before us is what role America will play as this story unfolds. For decades, the United States has pursued a set of core interests in the region: countering terrorism and stopping the spread of nuclear weapons; securing the free flow of commerce and safe-guarding the security of the region; standing up for Israel’s security and pursuing Arab-Israeli peace. 我们面临的问题是，在这个故事展开的过程中，美国将扮演什么角色。数十年来，美国在该地区追求一系列核心利益：打击恐怖主义并阻止核武器扩散；保障商业自由流通和捍卫该地区安全；维护以色列的安全并推动阿以和平。
We will continue to do these things, with the firm belief that America’s interests are not hostile to people’s hopes; they’re essential to them. We believe that no one benefits from a nuclear arms race in the region, or al Qaeda’s brutal attacks. We believe people everywhere would see their economies crippled by a cut-off in energy supplies. As we did in the Gulf War, we will not tolerate aggression across borders, and we will keep our commitments to friends and partners. 我们将继续做这些事，坚定地相信美国的利益并不与人民的希望相悖；相反，它们对人民的希望至关重要。我们相信该地区没有人会从核军备竞赛中受益，也没有人能从基地组织的残暴袭击中受益。我们相信各地人民都会看到，能源供应中断会使经济瘫痪。正如我们在海湾战争中所做的那样，我们不会容忍跨越边界的侵略，我们将信守对朋友和伙伴的承诺。
Yet we must acknowledge that a strategy based solely upon the narrow pursuit of these interests will not fill an empty stomach or allow someone to speak their mind. Moreover, failure to speak to the broader aspirations of ordinary people will only feed the suspicion that has festered for years that the United States pursues our interests at their expense. 然而我们必须承认，一个仅仅基于狭隘追求这些利益的战略，无法填饱空空的肚子，也无法让人畅所欲言。此外，不回应普通百姓更广泛的渴望，只会助长多年来积累的猜疑——他们认为美国在以牺牲他们的利益为代价追求自身利益。
Given that this mistrust runs both ways -- as Americans have been seared by hostage-taking and violent rhetoric and terrorist attacks that have killed thousands of our citizens -- a failure to change our approach threatens a deepening spiral of division between the United States and the Arab world. 鉴于这种不信任是双向的——美国人经历了人质劫持事件、暴力言论和恐怖袭击，这些袭击夺去了数千名我国公民的生命——如果不改变我们的做法，将导致美国与阿拉伯世界之间的分裂加深，陷入恶性循环。
And that’s why, two years ago in Cairo, I began to broaden our engagement based upon mutual interests and mutual respect. I believed then -- and I believe now -- that we have a stake not just in the stability of nations, but in the self-determination of individuals. The status quo is not sustainable. Societies held together by fear and repression may offer the illusion of stability for a time, but they are built upon fault lines that will eventually tear asunder. 正因如此，两年前在开罗，我开始在共同利益和相互尊重的基础上拓展我们的接触。我当时相信——现在依然相信——我们不仅在国家稳定中有利益，在个人自决中也有利益。现状不可持续。靠恐惧和镇压维系的社会可能暂时呈现稳定的假象，但它们建立在终将撕裂的断层之上。
So we face a historic opportunity. We have the chance to show that America values the dignity of the street vendor in Tunisia more than the raw power of the dictator. There must be no doubt that the United States of America welcomes change that advances self-determination and opportunity. Yes, there will be perils that accompany this moment of promise. But after decades of accepting the world as it is in the region, we have a chance to pursue the world as it should be. 因此，我们面临着历史性机遇。我们有机会表明，美国重视突尼斯街头小贩的尊严，胜过独裁者的赤裸权力。必须毫无疑问地认识到，美利坚合众国欢迎推动自决和机遇的变革。是的，在这个充满希望的时刻也将伴随危险。但在数十年接受该地区现状之后，我们有机会追求世界应有的样子。
Of course, as we do, we must proceed with a sense of humility. It’s not America that put people into the streets of Tunis or Cairo -- it was the people themselves who launched these movements, and it’s the people themselves that must ultimately determine their outcome. 当然，在此过程中，我们必须怀着谦卑的心态前行。不是美国将人民送上突尼斯或开罗的街头——是人民自己发起了这些运动，也必须由人民自己最终决定其结果。
Not every country will follow our particular form of representative democracy, and there will be times when our short-term interests don’t align perfectly with our long-term vision for the region. But we can, and we will, speak out for a set of core principles -- principles that have guided our response to the events over the past six months: The United States opposes the use of violence and repression against the people of the region. 并非每个国家都会效仿我们特定的代议制民主形式，有时我们的短期利益与对该地区的长期愿景并不完全一致。但我们能够、也将为一套核心原则发声——这些原则指导着我们对过去六个月事件的回应：美国反对对该地区人民使用暴力和镇压。
The United States supports a set of universal rights. And these rights include free speech, the freedom of peaceful assembly, the freedom of religion, equality for men and women under the rule of law, and the right to choose your own leaders -- whether you live in Baghdad or Damascus, Sanaa or Tehran. 美国支持一套普世权利。这些权利包括言论自由、和平集会自由、宗教信仰自由、法治下男女平等，以及选择自己领导人的权利——无论你生活在巴格达还是大马士革，萨那还是德黑兰。
And we support political and economic reform in the Middle East and North Africa that can meet the legitimate aspirations of ordinary people throughout the region. Our support for these principles is not a secondary interest. Today I want to make it clear that it is a top priority that must be translated into concrete actions, and supported by all of the diplomatic, economic and strategic tools at our disposal. 我们也支持中东和北非的政治和经济改革，使其能够满足该地区普通百姓合理的渴望。我们对这些原则的支持并非次要利益。今天我想明确表示，这是一项首要优先事项，必须转化为具体行动，并由我们掌握的所有外交、经济和战略工具予以支持。
Let me be specific. First, it will be the policy of the United States to promote reform across the region, and to support transitions to democracy. That effort begins in Egypt and Tunisia, where the stakes are high -- as Tunisia was at the vanguard of this democratic wave, and Egypt is both a longstanding partner and the Arab world’s largest nation. 让我具体说明。首先，美国的政策将是推动整个地区的改革，并支持向民主的过渡。这一努力始于埃及和突尼斯，那里的利害关系重大——突尼斯是这一民主浪潮的先锋，而埃及既是长期的合作伙伴，也是阿拉伯世界最大的国家。
Both nations can set a strong example through free and fair elections, a vibrant civil society, accountable and effective democratic institutions, and responsible regional leadership. But our support must also extend to nations where transitions have yet to take place. 两国可以通过自由公正的选举、充满活力的公民社会、负责任且有效的民主机构以及负责任的地区领导力树立强有力的榜样。但我们的支持也必须延伸到尚未开始过渡的国家。
Unfortunately, in too many countries, calls for change have thus far been answered by violence. The most extreme example is Libya, where Muammar Qaddafi launched a war against his own people, promising to hunt them down like rats. As I said when the United States joined an international coalition to intervene, we cannot prevent every injustice perpetrated by a regime against its people, and we have learned from our experience in Iraq just how costly and difficult it is to try to impose regime change by force -- no matter how well-intentioned it may be. 不幸的是，在太多国家，变革的呼声迄今得到的回应是暴力。最极端的例子是利比亚，穆阿迈尔·卡扎菲对本国人民发动了战争，扬言要像追捕老鼠一样追杀他们。正如我在美国加入国际联盟进行干预时所说，我们无法阻止每一个政权对其人民犯下的每一桩不义之举，而且我们从伊拉克的经历中深刻认识到，试图以武力强加政权更迭是多么代价高昂和困难——无论出发点多么善良。
But in Libya, we saw the prospect of imminent massacre, we had a mandate for action, and heard the Libyan people’s call for help. Had we not acted along with our NATO allies and regional coalition partners, thousands would have been killed. The message would have been clear: Keep power by killing as many people as it takes. 但在利比亚，我们看到了迫在眉睫的屠杀前景，我们有行动的授权，也听到了利比亚人民的求助呼声。如果我们没有与北约盟友和地区联盟伙伴一起行动，数千人将会被杀害。传递的信息将很明确：杀多少人就杀多少人，以此保住权力。
Now, time is working against Qaddafi. He does not have control over his country. The opposition has organized a legitimate and credible Interim Council. And when Qaddafi inevitably leaves or is forced from power, decades of provocation will come to an end, and the transition to a democratic Libya can proceed. 如今，时间对卡扎菲不利。他已经无法控制自己的国家。反对派已经组建了一个合法且可信的过渡委员会。当卡扎菲不可避免地离开或被赶下台时，数十年的挑衅将宣告结束，向民主利比亚的过渡可以向前推进。
While Libya has faced violence on the greatest scale, it’s not the only place where leaders have turned to repression to remain in power. Most recently, the Syrian regime has chosen the path of murder and the mass arrests of its citizens. The United States has condemned these actions, and working with the international community we have stepped up our sanctions on the Syrian regime -- including sanctions announced yesterday on President Assad and those around him. 虽然利比亚经历了最大规模的暴力，但这并非领导人依靠镇压维持权力的唯一地方。最近，叙利亚政权选择了屠杀和大规模逮捕其公民的道路。美国已谴责这些行为，并与国际社会一道加强了对叙利亚政权的制裁——包括昨天宣布的对阿萨德总统及其核心圈子的制裁。
The Syrian people have shown their courage in demanding a transition to democracy. President Assad now has a choice: He can lead that transition, or get out of the way. The Syrian government must stop shooting demonstrators and allow peaceful protests. It must release political prisoners and stop unjust arrests. It must allow human rights monitors to have access to cities like Dara’a; and start a serious dialogue to advance a democratic transition. Otherwise, President Assad and his regime will continue to be challenged from within and will continue to be isolated abroad. 叙利亚人民展现了要求向民主过渡的勇气。阿萨德总统现在面临选择：他可以领导这一过渡，或者让路。叙利亚政府必须停止枪杀示威者，允许和平抗议。必须释放政治犯并停止非法逮捕。必须允许人权观察员进入德拉等城市；并开启严肃对话以推进民主过渡。否则，阿萨德总统及其政权将继续面临内部挑战，并继续在国际上被孤立。
So far, Syria has followed its Iranian ally, seeking assistance from Tehran in the tactics of suppression. And this speaks to the hypocrisy of the Iranian regime, which says it stand for the rights of protesters abroad, yet represses its own people at home. Let’s remember that the first peaceful protests in the region were in the streets of Tehran, where the government brutalized women and men, and threw innocent people into jail. 迄今为止，叙利亚一直追随其伊朗盟友，寻求德黑兰在镇压策略方面的援助。这暴露了伊朗政权的虚伪——它声称支持海外抗议者的权利，却在国内镇压自己的人民。让我们记住，该地区最早的和平抗议发生在德黑兰的街头，那里政府对男女施暴，并将无辜者投入监狱。
We still hear the chants echo from the rooftops of Tehran. The image of a young woman dying in the streets is still seared in our memory. And we will continue to insist that the Iranian people deserve their universal rights, and a government that does not smother their aspirations. 我们仍能听到从德黑兰屋顶传回荡的呐喊声。一位年轻女子在街头倒下的画面仍深深烙印在我们的记忆中。我们将继续坚持，伊朗人民值得拥有他们的普世权利，以及一个不压制他们渴望的政府。
Now, our opposition to Iran’s intolerance and Iran’s repressive measures, as well as its illicit nuclear program and its support of terror, is well known. But if America is to be credible, we must acknowledge that at times our friends in the region have not all reacted to the demands for consistent change -- with change that’s consistent with the principles that I’ve outlined today. That’s true in Yemen, where President Saleh needs to follow through on his commitment to transfer power. And that’s true today in Bahrain. 现在，我们对伊朗的不宽容和镇压措施、其非法核计划及其对恐怖主义的支持的反对立场是众所周知的。但如果美国要有公信力，我们必须承认，我们在该地区的朋友有时并未全部以与我今天阐述的原则相一致的变革来回应变革的要求。也门也是如此，萨利赫总统需要履行其移交权力的承诺。巴林今天也是如此。
Bahrain is a longstanding partner, and we are committed to its security. We recognize that Iran has tried to take advantage of the turmoil there, and that the Bahraini government has a legitimate interest in the rule of law. 巴林是一个长期的合作伙伴，我们致力于维护其安全。我们认识到伊朗试图利用那里的动荡，巴林政府在法治方面有合理的利益诉求。
Nevertheless, we have insisted both publicly and privately that mass arrests and brute force are at odds with the universal rights of Bahrain’s citizens, and we will -- and such steps will not make legitimate calls for reform go away. The only way forward is for the government and opposition to engage in a dialogue, and you can’t have a real dialogue when parts of the peaceful opposition are in jail. The government must create the conditions for dialogue, and the opposition must participate to forge a just future for all Bahrainis. 尽管如此，我们已在公开和私下场合坚持认为，大规模逮捕和暴力手段与巴林公民的普世权利相悖，这些措施不会使合理的改革呼声消失。前进的唯一途径是政府与反对派进行对话，而当和平反对派的一部分人身陷囹圄时，不可能有真正的对话。政府必须创造对话的条件，反对派也必须参与，为所有巴林人开创公正的未来。
Indeed, one of the broader lessons to be drawn from this period is that sectarian divides need not lead to conflict. In Iraq, we see the promise of a multiethnic, multi-sectarian democracy. The Iraqi people have rejected the perils of political violence in favor of a democratic process, even as they’ve taken full responsibility for their own security. Of course, like all new democracies, they will face setbacks. But Iraq is poised to play a key role in the region if it continues its peaceful progress. And as they do, we will be proud to stand with them as a steadfast partner. 事实上，从这一时期可以汲取的一个更广泛的教训是，教派分歧不必然导致冲突。在伊拉克，我们看到了一个多民族、多教派民主国家的希望。伊拉克人民拒绝了政治暴力的危险，选择了民主进程，同时他们已经全面承担起自身的安全责任。当然，像所有新兴民主国家一样，他们会遭遇挫折。但如果伊拉克继续和平发展，它将在该地区发挥关键作用。在他们前行的道路上，我们将自豪地作为坚定的伙伴与他们站在一起。
So in the months ahead, America must use all our influence to encourage reform in the region. Even as we acknowledge that each country is different, we need to speak honestly about the principles that we believe in, with friend and foe alike. Our message is simple: If you take the risks that reform entails, you will have the full support of the United States. 因此在未来的岁月里，美国必须运用我们全部的影响力来鼓励该地区的改革。即使我们承认每个国家都不同，我们仍需对朋友和对手坦诚地阐述我们所信奉的原则。我们的信息很简单：如果你承担改革所伴随的风险，你将获得美国的全力支持。
We must also build on our efforts to broaden our engagement beyond elites, so that we reach the people who will shape the future -- particularly young people. We will continue to make good on the commitments that I made in Cairo -- to build networks of entrepreneurs and expand exchanges in education, to foster cooperation in science and technology, and combat disease. 我们还必须在此前努力的基础上，将接触范围从精英阶层扩大到将塑造未来的人民——特别是年轻人。我们将继续兑现我在开罗所作的承诺——建立企业家网络，扩大教育交流，促进科技合作，抗击疾病。
Across the region, we intend to provide assistance to civil society, including those that may not be officially sanctioned, and who speak uncomfortable truths. And we will use the technology to connect with -- and listen to -- the voices of the people. 在整个地区，我们计划向公民社会提供援助，包括那些可能未获官方认可、说出令人不快的真相的组织。我们将利用技术来联系——并倾听——人民的声音。
For the fact is, real reform does not come at the ballot box alone. Through our efforts we must support those basic rights to speak your mind and access information. We will support open access to the Internet, and the right of journalists to be heard -- whether it’s a big news organization or a lone blogger. In the 21st century, information is power, the truth cannot be hidden, and the legitimacy of governments will ultimately depend on active and informed citizens. 因为事实是，真正的改革不仅仅来自投票箱。通过我们的努力，我们必须支持那些畅所欲言和获取信息的基本权利。我们将支持互联网的开放接入，以及记者被倾听的权利——无论是大型新闻机构还是个人博客。在21世纪，信息就是力量，真相无法被隐藏，政府的合法性最终将取决于积极且知情的公民。
Such open discourse is important even if what is said does not square with our worldview. Let me be clear, America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard, even if we disagree with them. And sometimes we profoundly disagree with them. 这种开放的言论交流很重要，即使所说的内容与我们的世界观并不一致。让我明确表示，美国尊重所有和平守法的声音被倾听的权利，即使我们与他们意见不同。有时我们与他们存在深刻的分歧。
We look forward to working with all who embrace genuine and inclusive democracy. What we will oppose is an attempt by any group to restrict the rights of others, and to hold power through coercion and not consent. Because democracy depends not only on elections, but also strong and accountable institutions, and the respect for the rights of minorities. 我们期待与所有拥抱真正包容性民主的人合作。我们将反对的是任何团体试图限制他人权利、通过胁迫而非同意来掌权的企图。因为民主不仅取决于选举，还取决于强大且负责任的机构，以及对少数群体权利的尊重。
Such tolerance is particularly important when it comes to religion. In Tahrir Square, we heard Egyptians from all walks of life chant, “Muslims, Christians, we are one.” America will work to see that this spirit prevails -- that all faiths are respected, and that bridges are built among them. In a region that was the birthplace of three world religions, intolerance can lead only to suffering and stagnation. And for this season of change to succeed, Coptic Christians must have the right to worship freely in Cairo, just as Shia must never have their mosques destroyed in Bahrain. 这种宽容在宗教问题上尤为重要。在解放广场，我们听到来自各行各业的埃及人高呼："穆斯林，基督徒，我们是一体的。"美国将努力确保这种精神盛行——所有信仰都受到尊重，并在它们之间架起桥梁。在一个作为三大世界宗教发源地的地区，不宽容只会带来苦难和停滞。要让这个变革的季节取得成功，科普特基督徒必须有权在开罗自由礼拜，就像什叶派在巴林的清真寺绝不应被摧毁一样。
What is true for religious minorities is also true when it comes to the rights of women. History shows that countries are more prosperous and more peaceful when women are empowered. And that’s why we will continue to insist that universal rights apply to women as well as men -- by focusing assistance on child and maternal health; by helping women to teach, or start a business; by standing up for the right of women to have their voices heard, and to run for office. 适用于宗教少数群体的道理同样适用于妇女权利。历史表明，当妇女获得赋权时，国家更加繁荣、更加和平。正因如此，我们将继续坚持普世权利同样适用于女性和男性——通过将援助重点放在儿童和孕产妇健康上；通过帮助女性从事教育或创业；通过支持女性发声和参选的权利。
The region will never reach its full potential when more than half of its population is prevented from achieving their full potential. 当超过一半的人口被阻止实现其全部潜力时，这个地区永远无法达到其全部潜力。
Now, even as we promote political reform, even as we promote human rights in the region, our efforts can’t stop there. So the second way that we must support positive change in the region is through our efforts to advance economic development for nations that are transitioning to democracy. 即使在我们推动政治改革、推动该地区人权的同时，我们的努力不能止步于此。因此，我们必须支持该地区积极变革的第二种方式，是通过努力推进向民主过渡国家的经济发展。
After all, politics alone has not put protesters into the streets. The tipping point for so many people is the more constant concern of putting food on the table and providing for a family. Too many people in the region wake up with few expectations other than making it through the day, perhaps hoping that their luck will change. Throughout the region, many young people have a solid education, but closed economies leave them unable to find a job. Entrepreneurs are brimming with ideas, but corruption leaves them unable to profit from those ideas. 毕竟，仅有政治不会把抗议者送上街头。对许多人来说，临界点更多地在于那种更持久的忧虑——如何把食物摆上餐桌、如何养家糊口。该地区太多人醒来时除了勉强熬过这一天之外别无期望，也许只盼着运气能有所改变。在整个地区，许多年轻人受过良好的教育，但封闭的经济让他们找不到工作。创业者满脑子想法，但腐败让他们无法从这些想法中获益。
The greatest untapped resource in the Middle East and North Africa is the talent of its people. In the recent protests, we see that talent on display, as people harness technology to move the world. It’s no coincidence that one of the leaders of Tahrir Square was an executive for Google. 中东和北非最大的未开发资源是其人民的才华。在近期的抗议活动中，我们看到这种才华的展现，人们运用技术推动世界。解放广场的领导者之一是谷歌的高管，这并非巧合。
That energy now needs to be channeled, in country after country, so that economic growth can solidify the accomplishments of the street. For just as democratic revolutions can be triggered by a lack of individual opportunity, successful democratic transitions depend upon an expansion of growth and broad-based prosperity. 这种能量现在需要被引导，在一个又一个国家，让经济增长来巩固街头抗争的成果。因为正如民主革命可能因个人机遇的匮乏而触发，成功的民主过渡也取决于增长的扩大和广泛的繁荣。
So, drawing from what we’ve learned around the world, we think it’s important to focus on trade, not just aid; on investment, not just assistance. The goal must be a model in which protectionism gives way to openness, the reigns of commerce pass from the few to the many, and the economy generates jobs for the young. America’s support for democracy will therefore be based on ensuring financial stability, promoting reform, and integrating competitive markets with each other and the global economy. And we’re going to start with Tunisia and Egypt. 因此，借鉴我们在世界各地所积累的经验，我们认为重要的是聚焦贸易，而非仅仅是援助；聚焦投资，而非仅仅是救助。目标必须是这样一种模式：保护主义让位于开放，商业的主导权从少数人转移到多数人手中，经济为年轻人创造就业。因此，美国对民主的支持将建立在确保金融稳定、推动改革、将竞争性市场相互融合并与全球经济一体化的基础上。我们将从突尼斯和埃及开始。
First, we’ve asked the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund to present a plan at next week’s G8 summit for what needs to be done to stabilize and modernize the economies of Tunisia and Egypt. Together, we must help them recover from the disruptions of their democratic upheaval, and support the governments that will be elected later this year. And we are urging other countries to help Egypt and Tunisia meet its near-term financial needs. 首先，我们已请求世界银行和国际货币基金组织在下周的八国集团峰会上提交一份计划，说明稳定和现代化突尼斯与埃及经济所需采取的措施。我们必须共同帮助它们从民主动荡的冲击中恢复，并支持今年晚些时候将要选出的新政府。我们也在敦促其他国家帮助埃及和突尼斯满足其短期资金需求。
Second, we do not want a democratic Egypt to be saddled by the debts of its past. So we will relieve a democratic Egypt of up to 1 billion dollars in debt, and work with our Egyptian partners to invest these resources to foster growth and entrepreneurship. We will help Egypt regain access to markets by guaranteeing $1 billion in borrowing that is needed to finance infrastructure and job creation. And we will help newly democratic governments recover assets that were stolen. 其次，我们不希望民主的埃及背负过去的债务。因此，我们将减免民主埃及高达10亿美元的债务，并与我们的埃及伙伴合作，将这些资源投资于促进增长和创业。我们将通过担保10亿美元的借贷来帮助埃及重新获得市场准入，这些资金用于基础设施建设和创造就业。我们还将帮助新生的民主政府追回被盗资产。
Third, we’re working with Congress to create Enterprise Funds to invest in Tunisia and Egypt. And these will be modeled on funds that supported the transitions in Eastern Europe after the fall of the Berlin Wall. OPIC will soon launch a 2 billion dollars facility to support private investment across the region. And we will work with the allies to refocus the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development so that it provides the same support for democratic transitions and economic modernization in the Middle East and North Africa as it has in Europe. 第三，我们正与国会合作创建企业基金，用于投资突尼斯和埃及。这些基金将以柏林墙倒塌后支持东欧过渡的基金为蓝本。美国海外私人投资公司将很快启动一个20亿美元的项目，支持该地区的私人投资。我们将与盟友合作，重新定位欧洲复兴开发银行的职能，使其为中东和北非的民主过渡和经济现代化提供与在欧洲一样的支持。
Fourth, the United States will launch a comprehensive Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative in the Middle East and North Africa. If you take out oil exports, this entire region of over 400 million people exports roughly the same amount as Switzerland. 第四，美国将在中东和北非启动一项全面的贸易与投资伙伴关系倡议。如果排除石油出口，这个拥有超过4亿人口的地区，出口总额大约与瑞士相当。
So we will work with the EU to facilitate more trade within the region, build on existing agreements to promote integration with U.S. and European markets, and open the door for those countries who adopt high standards of reform and trade liberalization to construct a regional trade arrangement. And just as EU membership served as an incentive for reform in Europe, so should the vision of a modern and prosperous economy create a powerful force for reform in the Middle East and North Africa. 因此，我们将与欧盟合作，促进该地区内部更多的贸易，在现有协议基础上推动与美国和欧洲市场的一体化，并为那些采用高标准改革和贸易自由化的国家敞开大门，建立区域贸易安排。正如欧盟成员国身份曾作为欧洲改革的激励，一个现代化繁荣经济的愿景也应成为中东和北非改革的强大推动力。
Prosperity also requires tearing down walls that stand in the way of progress -- the corruption of elites who steal from their people; the red tape that stops an idea from becoming a business; the patronage that distributes wealth based on tribe or sect. We will help governments meet international obligations, and invest efforts at anti-corruption -- by working with parliamentarians who are developing reforms, and activists who use technology to increase transparency and hold government accountable. Politics and human rights; economic reform. 繁荣还要求拆除阻碍进步的高墙——精英阶层窃取人民财富的腐败；阻止一个想法变成一门生意的繁文缛节；按部落或教派分配财富的恩庇体系。我们将帮助各国政府履行国际义务，并投入反腐努力——与正在推进改革的议员合作，与利用技术提高透明度、监督政府的活动人士合作。政治与人权；经济改革。
Let me conclude by talking about another cornerstone of our approach to the region, and that relates to the pursuit of peace. 在结束之前，让我谈谈我们对该地区方针的另一基石，这与追求和平有关。
For decades, the conflict between Israelis and Arabs has cast a shadow over the region. For Israelis, it has meant living with the fear that their children could be blown up on a bus or by rockets fired at their homes, as well as the pain of knowing that other children in the region are taught to hate them. 数十年来，以色列人和阿拉伯人之间的冲突给该地区投下了阴影。对以色列人来说，这意味着生活在恐惧之中，担心他们的孩子可能在公交车上被炸毁或被射向家园的火箭弹击中，同时也承受着得知该地区其他孩子被教导仇恨他们的痛苦。
For Palestinians, it has meant suffering the humiliation of occupation, and never living in a nation of their own. Moreover, this conflict has come with a larger cost to the Middle East, as it impedes partnerships that could bring greater security and prosperity and empowerment to ordinary people. 对巴勒斯坦人来说，这意味着承受占领的屈辱，永远无法生活在自己的国家中。此外，这场冲突给中东带来了更大的代价，因为它阻碍了那些本可为普通百姓带来更大安全、繁荣和赋权的伙伴关系。
For over two years, my administration has worked with the parties and the international community to end this conflict, building on decades of work by previous administrations. Yet expectations have gone unmet. Israeli settlement activity continues. Palestinians have walked away from talks. The world looks at a conflict that has grinded on and on and on, and sees nothing but stalemate. Indeed, there are those who argue that with all the change and uncertainty in the region, it is simply not possible to move forward now. 过去两年多来，本届政府与各方及国际社会合作，在前几届政府数十年努力的基础上致力于结束这一冲突。然而期望未能实现。以色列定居点活动仍在继续。巴勒斯坦人退出了谈判。世界注视着这场无休无止的冲突，看到的只有僵局。确实，有人认为鉴于该地区如此多的变革和不确定性，现在根本不可能取得进展。
I disagree. At a time when the people of the Middle East and North Africa are casting off the burdens of the past, the drive for a lasting peace that ends the conflict and resolves all claims is more urgent than ever. That’s certainly true for the two parties involved. 我不同意。在中东和北非人民正在摆脱过去负担的时刻，推动结束冲突、解决所有诉求的持久和平比以往任何时候都更加紧迫。对于当事的双方来说尤其如此。
For the Palestinians, efforts to delegitimize Israel will end in failure. Symbolic actions to isolate Israel at the United Nations in September won’t create an independent state. Palestinian leaders will not achieve peace or prosperity if Hamas insists on a path of terror and rejection. And Palestinians will never realize their independence by denying the right of Israel to exist. 对巴勒斯坦人来说，否定以色列合法性的努力将以失败告终。九月在联合国孤立以色列的象征性行动不会创造一个独立国家。如果哈马斯坚持恐怖和拒绝的道路，巴勒斯坦领导人将无法实现和平或繁荣。巴勒斯坦人也永远不会通过否认以色列的生存权来实现自己的独立。
As for Israel, our friendship is rooted deeply in a shared history and shared values. Our commitment to Israel’s security is unshakeable. And we will stand against attempts to single it out for criticism in international forums. But precisely because of our friendship, it’s important that we tell the truth: The status quo is unsustainable, and Israel too must act boldly to advance a lasting peace. 至于以色列，我们的友谊深深扎根于共同的历史和共同的价值观。我们对以色列安全的承诺是不可动摇的。我们将反对在国际论坛上单独挑出它加以批评的企图。但正因为我们的友谊，重要的是我们要说出真相：现状不可持续，以色列也必须大胆行动以推进持久和平。
The fact is, a growing number of Palestinians live west of the Jordan River. Technology will make it harder for Israel to defend itself. A region undergoing profound change will lead to populism in which millions of people -- not just one or two leaders -- must believe peace is possible. The international community is tired of an endless process that never produces an outcome. The dream of a Jewish and democratic state cannot be fulfilled with permanent occupation. 事实是，越来越多的巴勒斯坦人生活在约旦河以西。技术将使以色列更难自卫。一个经历深刻变革的地区将催生民粹主义，数百万人——不仅仅是一两个领导人——必须相信和平是可能的。国际社会已经厌倦了一个永远不产生结果的漫长过程。犹太民主国家的梦想无法在永久占领下实现。
Now, ultimately, it is up to the Israelis and Palestinians to take action. No peace can be imposed upon them -- not by the United States; not by anybody else. But endless delay won’t make the problem go away. What America and the international community can do is to state frankly what everyone knows -- a lasting peace will involve two states for two peoples: Israel as a Jewish state and the homeland for the Jewish people, and the state of Palestine as the homeland for the Palestinian people, each state enjoying self-determination, mutual recognition, and peace. 最终，采取行动取决于以色列人和巴勒斯坦人自己。任何和平都不能强加于他们——不能由美国，也不能由任何其他人。但无休止的拖延不会让问题消失。美国和国际社会能做的是坦诚地说出每个人都清楚的事实——持久和平将涉及两个民族、两个国家：以色列作为犹太国家暨犹太人民的家园，巴勒斯坦国作为巴勒斯坦人民的家园，每个国家都享有自决、相互承认与和平。
So while the core issues of the conflict must be negotiated, the basis of those negotiations is clear: a viable Palestine, a secure Israel. The United States believes that negotiations should result in two states, with permanent Palestinian borders with Israel, Jordan, and Egypt, and permanent Israeli borders with Palestine. 因此，虽然冲突的核心问题必须通过谈判解决，但谈判的基础是明确的：一个可行的巴勒斯坦，一个安全的以色列。美国认为谈判应产生两个国家，巴勒斯坦与以色列、约旦和埃及有永久边界，以色列与巴勒斯坦有永久边界。
We believe the borders of Israel and Palestine should be based on the 1967 lines with mutually agreed swaps, so that secure and recognized borders are established for both states. The Palestinian people must have the right to govern themselves, and reach their full potential, in a sovereign and contiguous state. 我们认为以色列和巴勒斯坦的边界应以1967年界线为基础，并通过双方同意的互换进行调整，从而为两国建立安全和公认的边界。巴勒斯坦人民必须有权在主权独立且领土连贯的国家中实行自治，并发挥其全部潜力。
As for security, every state has the right to self-defense, and Israel must be able to defend itself -- by itself -- against any threat. Provisions must also be robust enough to prevent a resurgence of terrorism, to stop the infiltration of weapons, and to provide effective border security. The full and phased withdrawal of Israeli military forces should be coordinated with the assumption of Palestinian security responsibility in a sovereign, non-militarized state. And the duration of this transition period must be agreed, and the effectiveness of security arrangements must be demonstrated. 至于安全，每个国家都有自卫权，以色列必须能够独立自主地保卫自己，抵御任何威胁。各项安排还必须足够有力，以防止恐怖主义卷土重来，阻止武器渗透，并提供有效的边境安全。以色列军队全面分阶段的撤军应与巴勒斯坦在主权、非军事化国家中承担安全责任相协调。这一过渡期的持续时间必须达成一致，安全安排的有效性必须得到验证。
These principles provide a foundation for negotiations. Palestinians should know the territorial outlines of their state; Israelis should know that their basic security concerns will be met. I’m aware that these steps alone will not resolve the conflict, because two wrenching and emotional issues will remain: the future of Jerusalem, and the fate of Palestinian refugees. But moving forward now on the basis of territory and security provides a foundation to resolve those two issues in a way that is just and fair, and that respects the rights and aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians. 这些原则为谈判提供了基础。巴勒斯坦人应该知道他们国家的领土轮廓；以色列人应该知道他们基本的安全关切将得到满足。我深知仅凭这些步骤无法解决冲突，因为两个痛苦而情感交织的问题仍将存在：耶路撒冷的未来，以及巴勒斯坦难民的命运。但现在在领土和安全的基础上向前推进，为以公正公平的方式解决这两个问题提供了基础，同时尊重以色列人和巴勒斯坦人双方的权利和渴望。
Now, let me say this: Recognizing that negotiations need to begin with the issues of territory and security does not mean that it will be easy to come back to the table. In particular, the recent announcement of an agreement between Fatah and Hamas raises profound and legitimate questions for Israel: How can one negotiate with a party that has shown itself unwilling to recognize your right to exist? 现在，让我说明一点：承认谈判需要从领土和安全问题开始，并不意味着回到谈判桌会很容易。特别是，最近宣布的法塔赫与哈马斯达成的协议，给以色列提出了深刻而合理的问题：如何与一个已表明不愿承认你生存权的政党谈判？
And in the weeks and months to come, Palestinian leaders will have to provide a credible answer to that question. Meanwhile, the United States, our Quartet partners, and the Arab states will need to continue every effort to get beyond the current impasse. 在未来的几周和几个月里，巴勒斯坦领导人必须对这一问题给出一个可信的答案。与此同时，美国、我们的四方伙伴以及阿拉伯国家需要继续尽一切努力打破当前的僵局。
I recognize how hard this will be. Suspicion and hostility has been passed on for generations, and at times it has hardened. But I’m convinced that the majority of Israelis and Palestinians would rather look to the future than be trapped in the past. We see that spirit in the Israeli father whose son was killed by Hamas, who helped start an organization that brought together Israelis and Palestinians who had lost loved ones. That father said, “I gradually realized that the only hope for progress was to recognize the face of the conflict.” 我深知这有多么艰难。猜疑和敌意世代相传，有时已经根深蒂固。但我坚信，大多数以色列人和巴勒斯坦人宁愿展望未来，也不愿困在过去。我们在一位以色列父亲身上看到了这种精神——他的儿子被哈马斯杀害，他协助创建了一个将失去亲人的以色列人和巴勒斯坦人聚集在一起的组织。那位父亲说："我逐渐认识到，进步的唯一希望是认清冲突的面目。"
We see it in the actions of a Palestinian who lost three daughters to Israeli shells in Gaza. “I have the right to feel angry,” he said. “So many people were expecting me to hate. My answer to them is I shall not hate. Let us hope,” he said, “for tomorrow.” 我们也在一位巴勒斯坦人的行动中看到了这种精神——他在加沙因以色列炮弹失去了三个女儿。"我有权感到愤怒，"他说。"那么多人期望我去仇恨。我对他们的回答是我绝不仇恨。让我们期待，"他说，"明天。"
That is the choice that must be made -- not simply in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, but across the entire region -- a choice between hate and hope; between the shackles of the past and the promise of the future. It’s a choice that must be made by leaders and by the people, and it’s a choice that will define the future of a region that served as the cradle of civilization and a crucible of strife. 这是必须做出的选择——不仅仅是在巴以冲突中，而是在整个地区——仇恨与希望之间的选择；过去的枷锁与未来的承诺之间的选择。这是领导人和人民都必须做出的选择，这个选择将定义一个作为文明摇篮和冲突熔炉的地区的未来。
For all the challenges that lie ahead, we see many reasons to be hopeful. In Egypt, we see it in the efforts of young people who led protests. In Syria, we see it in the courage of those who brave bullets while chanting, “peaceful, peaceful.” In Benghazi, a city threatened with destruction, we see it in the courthouse square where people gather to celebrate the freedoms that they had never known. Across the region, those rights that we take for granted are being claimed with joy by those who are prying loose the grip of an iron fist. 尽管前方有诸多挑战，我们看到了许多令人满怀希望的理由。在埃及，我们看到了引领抗议的年轻人的努力。在叙利亚，我们看到了那些冒着枪林弹雨高呼"和平，和平"的人的勇气。在班加西这座受到毁灭威胁的城市，我们看到了人们聚集在法院广场上庆祝他们从未享有过的自由。在整个地区，那些我们视为理所当然的权利，正被那些撬开铁拳桎梏的人们以喜悦之情去争取。
For the American people, the scenes of upheaval in the region may be unsettling, but the forces driving it are not unfamiliar. Our own nation was founded through a rebellion against an empire. Our people fought a painful Civil War that extended freedom and dignity to those who were enslaved. 对美国人民来说，该地区动荡的景象可能令人不安，但推动它的力量并不陌生。我们自己的国家就是通过反抗一个帝国的起义而建立的。我们的人民打了一场痛苦的内战，将自由和尊严延伸到了那些被奴役的人身上。
And I would not be standing here today unless past generations turned to the moral force of nonviolence as a way to perfect our union -- organizing, marching, protesting peacefully together to make real those words that declared our nation: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.” 如果不是过去几代人诉诸非暴力的道德力量来完善我们的联邦——组织、游行、和平抗议，使那些宣告我们国家的字句成为现实："我们坚信这些真理是不言而喻的：人人生而平等。"我今天就不会站在这里。
Those words must guide our response to the change that is transforming the Middle East and North Africa -- words which tell us that repression will fail, and that tyrants will fall, and that every man and woman is endowed with certain inalienable rights. 这些话语必须指引我们对正在改变中东和北非的变革作出回应——这些话语告诉我们，镇压终将失败，暴君终将倒台，每个男人和女人都被赋予某些不可剥夺的权利。
It will not be easy. There’s no straight line to progress, and hardship always accompanies a season of hope. But the United States of America was founded on the belief that people should govern themselves. And now we cannot hesitate to stand squarely on the side of those who are reaching for their rights, knowing that their success will bring about a world that is more peaceful, more stable, and more just. 这不会容易。进步没有直线可循，苦难总是伴随着希望的季节。但美利坚合众国建立在人民应当自治的信念之上。现在我们不能犹豫，必须坚定地站在那些伸手争取自身权利的人一边，因为我们知道他们的成功将带来一个更加和平、更加稳定、更加公正的世界。
Thank you very much, everybody. Thank you. 非常感谢大家。谢谢。
