Good afternoon, everybody. I was just told that was going to be the last "Hail to the Chief" on the road, and it got me kind of sentimental. I want to first and foremost say thanks to all of you. Just before I came here, I was able to visit with some of the men and women from MacDill Air Force Base, Central Command, our Special Operations Command to thank them for their extraordinary service. And so to you and your families, and to the extended family of American servicemembers, let me say that our nation owes you an unbelievable debt of gratitude. 大家下午好。我刚被告知这将是我出行途中最后一次奏响《向元首致敬》，这让我有点伤感。我首先要向你们所有人表示感谢。就在我来到这里之前，我探望了麦克迪尔空军基地、中央司令部、特种作战司令部的一些男女官兵，感谢他们非凡的服役。因此，对你们和你们的家人，以及美国军人的大家庭，我要说，我们的国家对你们怀有难以估量的感激之情。
We are grateful for you, and will be praying for you over the holidays. 我们感谢你们，节日期间我们将为你们祈祷。
As you know all too well, your mission -- and the course of history -- was changed after the 9/11 attacks. By the time I took office, the United States had been at war for seven years. For eight years that I've been in office, there has not been a day when a terrorist organization or some radicalized individual was not plotting to kill Americans. And on January 20th, I will become the first President of the United States to serve two full terms during a time of war. Now, we did not choose this fight, but once it came to us, the world saw the measure of our resolve. 你们再清楚不过，你们的使命——以及历史的进程——在9·11袭击后发生了改变。我就职时，美国已经打了七年仗。在我任职的八年里，没有一天不在有恐怖组织或某个被极端化的个人图谋杀害美国人。到1月20日，我将成为美国历史上第一位在战争时期任满两届的总统。这场战斗不是我们选择的，但当它降临到我们头上时，世界看到了我们的决心有多大。
The most solemn responsibility for any President is keeping the American people safe. In carrying out that duty, I have sent men and women into harm’s way. I've visited troops around the globe. I have met our wounded warriors, and I've grieved with Gold Star families. I know better than most that it is because of your service and your sacrifice that we have been able, during these eight years, to protect our homeland, to strike crippling blows against terrorist networks, and fortify our friends and our allies. 任何总统最庄严的职责就是保护美国人民的安全。在履行这一职责的过程中，我曾派男女军人涉险。我视察过全球各地的部队。我见过我们的受伤战士，也与金星家庭（阵亡将士家属）一同悲痛。我比大多数人更清楚，正是因为你们的服务和牺牲，我们才能在这八年里保护我们的本土，对恐怖网络施以重创，并巩固我们的朋友和盟友。
So today, I’d like to reflect on that work, and talk about the foundation that we will leave for the next administration. 因此今天，我想回顾一下这项工作，并谈谈我们将留给下一届政府的基础。
I came to this office with a set of core convictions that have guided me as Commander-in-Chief. I believe that the United States military can achieve any mission; that we are, and must remain, the strongest fighting force the world has ever known. I believe that we must never hesitate to act when necessary, including unilaterally when necessary, against any imminent threats to our people. 我就任时秉持着一套核心信念，它们指导着我作为总司令的决策。我相信美国军队可以完成任何使命；我们现在是，而且必须继续是，世界有史以来最强大的战斗力量。我相信，在必要时，包括在必要时单方面采取行动，我们绝不能犹豫，要应对任何对我们人民的紧迫威胁。
But I have also insisted that it is unwise and unsustainable to ask our military to build nations on the other side of the world, or resolve their internal conflicts, particularly in places where our forces become a magnet for terrorists and insurgencies. Instead, it has been my conviction that even as we focus relentlessly on dismantling terrorist networks like al Qaeda and ISIL, we should ask allies to do their share in the fight, and we should strengthen local partners who can provide lasting security. 但我也一直坚持认为，要求我们的军队在世界另一端建设国家，或解决它们的内部冲突，是不明智且不可持续的，尤其是在我们的部队反而成为恐怖分子和叛乱分子吸引目标的地方。相反，我的信念是，在我们不懈地专注于摧毁基地组织和伊斯兰国这样的恐怖网络的同时，我们应该要求盟友在战斗中尽自己的一份力，我们应该加强能够提供持久安全的当地伙伴。
And these convictions guided the policies we pursued both in Iraq and Afghanistan. When I took office, the United States was focused overwhelmingly on Iraq, where nearly 150,000 American troops had spent years fighting an insurgency and helping to build a democratic government. Meanwhile, al Qaeda had regrouped in the border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan, and was actively planning attacks against our homeland. 这些信念指导了我们在伊拉克和阿富汗推行的政策。我就职时，美国的精力几乎全部集中在伊拉克，近15万美军在那里打了多年的叛乱战，并帮助建立了一个民主政府。与此同时，基地组织已在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的边境地区重新集结，并积极策划针对我们本土的袭击。
So we brought nearly 150,000 troops home from Iraq, consistent with the Status of Forces Agreement negotiated by the previous administration, and we surged our efforts along with our allies in Afghanistan, which allowed us to focus on dismantling al Qaeda and give the Afghan government the opportunity to succeed. 因此，我们根据上届政府谈判达成的《驻军地位协议》，从伊拉克撤回了近15万部队，并与我们的盟友一道加大了在阿富汗的努力，这使我们能够集中精力摧毁基地组织，并给阿富汗政府取得成功的机会。
And this focus on al Qaeda -- the most dangerous threat to the United States at the time -- paid dividends. Today, by any measure, core al Qaeda -- the organization that hit us on 9/11 -- is a shadow of its former self. Plots directed from within Afghanistan and Pakistan have been consistently disrupted. Its leadership has been decimated. Dozens of terrorist leaders have been killed. Osama bin Laden is dead. And, importantly, we have built a counterterrorism capability that can sustain this pressure against any terrorist network in South Asia that might threaten the United States of America. 这种对基地组织——当时对美国最危险的威胁——的聚焦取得了成效。今天，无论以何种标准衡量，核心基地组织——那个在9·11袭击我们的组织——都已今非昔比。从阿富汗和巴基斯坦境内指挥的阴谋不断被挫败。其领导层已被歼灭。数十名恐怖分子头目被击毙。奥萨马·本·拉登已死。而且重要的是，我们建立了一种反恐能力，可以对南亚任何可能威胁美利坚合众国的恐怖网络保持这种压力。
That was because of the work of our outstanding servicemembers. 这要归功于我们杰出的军人们的努力。
Moreover, that early decision to strengthen our efforts in Afghanistan allowed us to build the capacity of Afghans to secure and defend their own country. So today, there are less than 10,000 American troops in Afghanistan. Instead of being in the lead against the Taliban, Americans are now supporting 320,000 Afghan security forces who are defending their communities and supporting our counterterrorism efforts. 此外，早期加强阿富汗行动的决定，使我们能够建设阿富汗人保卫自己国家的能力。因此今天，在阿富汗的美军不到1万人。美国人不再是对抗塔利班的主力，而是在支持32万阿富汗安全部队，他们在保卫自己的社区，并支持我们的反恐行动。
Now, I don’t want to paint too rosy a picture. The situation in Afghanistan is still tough. War has been a part of life in Afghanistan for over 30 years, and the United States cannot eliminate the Taliban or end violence in that country. But what we can do is deny al Qaeda a safe haven, and what we can do is support Afghans who want a better future, which is why we have worked not only with their military, but we’ve backed a unity government in Kabul. We’ve helped Afghan girls go to school. We’ve supported investments in health care and electricity and education. 我不想把局面描绘得太乐观。阿富汗的局势依然严峻。战争在阿富汗已经存在了30多年，美国无法消灭塔利班，也无法结束那个国家的暴力。但我们能做的是不让基地组织拥有避风港，我们能做的是支持想要更美好未来的阿富汗人，这就是为什么我们不仅与他们的军队合作，还支持喀布尔的联合政府。我们帮助阿富汗女孩上学。我们支持在医疗、电力和教育方面的投资。
You have made a difference in Afghanistan, and America is safer for it. 你们在阿富汗改变了局面，美国也因此更加安全。
Of course, the terrorist threat was never restricted to South Asia, or to Afghanistan, or Pakistan. Even as al Qaeda has been decimated in Afghanistan and Pakistan, the threat from terrorists metastasized in other parts of the Middle East and North Africa. And most dangerously, we saw the emergence of ISIL, the successor to al Qaeda in Iraq, which fights as both a terrorist network and an insurgency. 当然，恐怖主义威胁从来就不仅限于南亚，或阿富汗，或巴基斯坦。就在基地组织在阿富汗和巴基斯坦被歼灭的同时，恐怖主义威胁在中东和北非的其他地区扩散开来。最危险的是，我们看到了伊斯兰国的崛起——它是基地组织在伊拉克的继承者，同时以恐怖网络和叛乱组织两种形式作战。
There’s been a debate about ISIL that’s focused on whether a continued U.S. troop presence in Iraq back in 2011 could have stopped the threat of ISIL from growing. And as a practical matter, this was not an option. By 2011, Iraqis wanted our military presence to end, and they were unwilling to sign a new Status of Forces Agreement to protect our troops from prosecution if they were trying to defend themselves in Iraq. 关于伊斯兰国一直有一场争论，焦点是如果2011年美军继续留在伊拉克，是否能阻止伊斯兰国威胁的壮大。而实际上，这根本不是一个选项。到2011年，伊拉克人希望我们的军事存在结束，他们不愿签署新的《驻军地位协议》，以保护我们的部队在伊拉克自卫时免受起诉。
In addition, maintaining American troops in Iraq at the time could not have reversed the forces that contributed to ISIL’s rise -- a government in Baghdad that pursued a sectarian agenda, a brutal dictator in Syria who lost control of large parts of the country, social media that reached a global pool of recruits, and a hollowing out of Iraq’s security forces, which were ultimately overrun in Mosul in 2014. 此外，当时在伊拉克保留美军也无法逆转导致伊斯兰国崛起的各种因素——巴格达推行教派议程的政府、叙利亚失去大片国土控制的残暴独裁者、能够吸引全球招募人员的社交媒体，以及伊拉克安全部队的空心化——他们最终在2014年的摩苏尔被击溃。
In fact, American troops, had they stayed there, would have lacked legal protections and faced a choice between remaining on bases or being drawn back into a sectarian conflict against the will of Iraq’s elected government or Iraq’s local populations. 事实上，如果美军当时留在那里，他们将缺乏法律保护，面临两难选择：要么待在基地里，要么违背伊拉克民选政府或伊拉克当地民众的意愿，再次卷入教派冲突。
But circumstances changed. When ISIL made substantial gains first in Mosul and then in other parts of the country, then suddenly Iraqis reached out once again for help. And in shaping our response, we refused to repeat some of the mistakes of the 2003 invasion that have helped to give rise to the organization that became ISIL in the first place. 但情况发生了变化。当伊斯兰国先是在摩苏尔、然后在该国其他地区取得重大进展时，伊拉克人突然再次寻求帮助。在制定我们的应对方案时，我们拒绝重蹈2003年入侵的一些覆辙——正是那些错误在一开始催生了后来成为伊斯兰国的组织。
We conditioned our help on the emergence of a new Iraqi government and prime minister that was committed to national unity, and committed to working with us. We built an international coalition of nearly 70 nations, including some of Iraq’s neighbors. We surged our intelligence resources so that we could better understand the enemy. And then we took the fight to ISIL in both Iraq and Syria, not with American battalions but with local forces backed by our equipment and our advisors and, importantly, our Special Forces. In that campaign, we have now hit ISIL with over 16,000 airstrikes. 我们将提供帮助的条件设定为：伊拉克必须出现一个致力于国家统一、并致力于与我们合作的新政府和新总理。我们建立了一个由近70个国家组成的国际联盟，其中包括伊拉克的一些邻国。我们增配了情报资源，以便更好地了解敌人。然后我们在伊拉克和叙利亚向伊斯兰国发起了进攻，不是靠美国的地面部队，而是靠当地部队，由我们的装备、顾问——以及重要的是，我们的特种部队——提供支持。在这场战役中，我们已对伊斯兰国发动了超过1.6万次空袭。
We have equipped and trained tens of thousands of partners on the ground. 我们已为地面上数以万计的伙伴提供了装备和培训。
And today, the results are clear: ISIL has lost more than half its territory. ISIL has lost control of major population centers. Its morale is plummeting. Its recruitment is drying up. Its commanders and external plotters are being taken out, and local populations are turning against it. 而今天，结果是明确的：伊斯兰国已失去超过一半的领土。伊斯兰国已失去对主要人口中心的控制。它的士气正在暴跌。其招募正在枯竭。其指挥官和海外策划者正在被消灭，当地民众也在转而反对它。
As we speak, ISIL faces an offensive on Mosul from Iraqi troops and coalition support. That’s the largest remaining city that it controls. Meanwhile, in Syria, ISIL’s self-declared capital in Raqqa is being squeezed. We have attacked ISIL’s financial lifeline, destroying hundreds of millions of dollars of oil and cash reserves. The bottom line is we are breaking the back of ISIL. We’re taking away its safe havens. And we’ve accomplished all this at a cost of $10 billion over two years, which is the same amount that we used to spend in one month at the height of the Iraq War. 就在我们讲话的此刻，伊斯兰国正面临伊拉克部队在联军支持下对摩苏尔的攻势。那是它控制的最大的剩余城市。与此同时，在叙利亚，伊斯兰国自称的首都拉卡正被围困。我们打击了伊斯兰国的经济命脉，摧毁了数亿美元的石油和现金储备。底线是，我们正在打断伊斯兰国的脊梁。我们正在夺走它的避风港。而我们取得这一切的代价，是两年内花费100亿美元——这相当于我们在伊拉克战争高峰期一个月的花费。
So the -- So the campaign against ISIL has been relentless. It has been sustainable. It has been multilateral. And it demonstrates a shift in how we’ve taken the fight to terrorists everywhere from South Asia to the Sahel. Instead of pushing all of the burden onto American ground troops, instead of trying to mount invasions wherever terrorists appear, we’ve built a network of partners. 所以，打击伊斯兰国的战役是不懈的。是可持续的。是多边的。它展示了我们如何转变方式，在从南亚到萨赫勒的各地打击恐怖分子。我们没有把所有负担都推给美国地面部队，没有试图在恐怖分子出现的任何地方发动入侵，而是建立了一个伙伴网络。
In Libya, where U.S. airpower has helped local militias dislodge a dangerous ISIL cell. In Mali, where U.S. logistics and intelligence support helped our French allies roll back al Qaeda branches there. In Somalia, where U.S. operations support an African Union-led force and international peacekeepers. And in Yemen, where years of targeted strikes have degraded al Qaeda in the Peninsula. 在利比亚，美国的空中力量帮助当地民兵驱逐了一个危险的伊斯兰国据点。在马里，美国的后勤和情报支持帮助我们的法国盟友击退了那里的基地组织分支。在索马里，美国的行动支持非洲联盟领导的部队和国际维和人员。在也门，多年的定点打击削弱了阿拉伯半岛基地组织。
And these offensive efforts have buttressed a global effort to make it harder for terrorist networks to breach our defenses and spread their violent ideologies. Working with European allies who have suffered terrible attacks, we’ve strengthened intelligence-sharing and cut in half the flow of foreign fighters to ISIL. We’ve worked with our tech sector to supports efforts to push back on terrorist messages on social media that motivate people to kill. A recent study shows that ISIL’s propaganda has been cut in half. 这些攻势为全球努力提供了支撑，使恐怖网络更难突破我们的防御、传播他们的暴力意识形态。我们与遭受了可怕袭击的欧洲盟友合作，加强了情报共享，并将前往伊斯兰国的外国战斗人员数量减少了一半。我们与科技行业合作，支持打击社交媒体上激励人们杀人的恐怖主义信息。最近的一项研究显示，伊斯兰国的宣传已减少了一半。
We’ve launched a Global Engagement Center to empower voices that are countering ISIL’s perversion of Islam, and we’re working closely with Muslim-majority partners from the Gulf to Southeast Asia. 我们成立了全球接触中心，以支持那些反驳伊斯兰国对伊斯兰教歪曲的声音，我们还与从海湾到东南亚的穆斯林占多数的伙伴密切合作。
This is your work. We should take great pride in the progress that we’ve made over the last eight years. That's the bottom line. 这是你们的功劳。我们应该为过去八年取得的进展感到无比自豪。这是底线。
No foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland. And it’s not because they didn't try. Plots have been disrupted. Terrorists have been taken off the battlefield. And we've done this even as we drew down nearly 180,000 troops in harm’s way in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today there are just 15,000. 没有任何外国恐怖组织成功策划并实施了针对我们本土的袭击。而这并不是因为他们没有尝试。阴谋被挫败了。恐怖分子被从战场上清除了。而我们做到这一切的同时，还从伊拉克和阿富汗撤出了近18万身处险境的部队。今天只剩下1.5万人。
New partnerships have been built. We’ve respected the rule of law. We've enlisted our values in this fight. And all of this progress is due to the service of millions of Americans like you -- in intelligence and in law enforcement, in homeland security, in diplomacy, in the armed services of the United States of America. It’s thanks to you -- thanks to you. 新的伙伴关系已经建立。我们尊重了法治。我们在这场战斗中践行了我们的价值观。而所有这些进展，都要归功于像你们这样数百万美国人的服务——在情报界、在执法部门、在国土安全领域、在外交战线、在美利坚合众国的武装部队中。这要感谢你们——感谢你们。
Now, to say that we've made progress is not to say that the job is done. We know that a deadly threat persists. We know that in some form this violent extremism will be with us for years to come. In too many parts of the world, especially in the Middle East, there has been a breakdown of order that's been building for decades, and it’s unleashed forces that are going to take a generation to resolve. Long-term corruption has rotted too many nation-states from within. Governance is collapsing. Sectarian conflicts rage. A changing climate is increasing competition for food and water. 然而，说我们取得了进展，并不等于说任务已经完成。我们知道，致命的威胁依然存在。我们知道，这种暴力极端主义将以某种形式伴随我们多年。在世界太多地方，尤其是在中东，秩序的崩溃已经酝酿了几十年，它释放出的力量需要一代人的时间才能解决。长期的腐败从内部侵蚀了太多民族国家。治理在崩塌。教派冲突肆虐。不断变化的气候正在加剧对食物和水的争夺。
And false prophets are peddling a vision of Islam that is irreconcilable with tolerance and modernity and basic science. And in fact, every one of these trends is at play inside of Syria today. 而伪先知们正在兜售一种与宽容、现代性和基础科学格格不入的伊斯兰愿景。事实上，所有这些趋势如今都在叙利亚境内上演。
And what complicates the challenge even more is the fact that for all of our necessary focus on fighting terrorists overseas, the most deadly attacks on the homeland over the last eight years have not been carried out by operatives with sophisticated networks or equipment, directed from abroad. They’ve been carried out by homegrown and largely isolated individuals who were radicalized online. 让挑战更加复杂的是，尽管我们有必要专注于打击海外恐怖分子，但过去八年中针对本土的最致命袭击，并非由来自海外指挥、拥有复杂网络或装备的特工实施的。它们是由在网上被极端化的、本土的、基本孤立的个人实施的。
These deranged killers can’t inflict the sort of mass casualties that we saw on 9/11, but the pain of those who lost loved ones in Boston, in San Bernardino, in Fort Hood and Orlando, that pain continues to this day. And in some cases, it has stirred fear in our populations and threatens to change how we think about ourselves and our lives. 这些精神错乱的杀手无法造成我们在9·11事件中看到的那种大规模伤亡，但在波士顿、圣贝纳迪诺、胡德堡和奥兰多失去亲人的人们的痛苦，一直持续到今天。在某些情况下，这在我们的民众中引发了恐惧，并有可能改变我们对自己和我们生活的看法。
So while we’ve made it much more difficult -- you have made it much more difficult -- to carry out an attack approaching the scale of 9/11, the threat will endure. We will not achieve the kind of clearly defined victory comparable to those that we won in previous wars against nations. We won’t have a scene of the Emperor of Japan and Douglas MacArthur in a surrender. And the reason we won’t have that is because technology makes it impossible to completely shield impressionable minds from violent ideologies. 因此，尽管我们已经让实施一场接近9·11规模的袭击变得困难得多——是你们让它变得困难得多——但威胁将持续存在。我们不会取得类似于我们在以往战争中战胜国家那样的明确定义的胜利。我们不会有日本天皇和道格拉斯·麦克阿瑟受降的场面。而我们不会有那种场面的原因是，科技使得完全屏蔽易受影响的心灵免受暴力意识形态的影响成为不可能。
And somebody who is trying to kill and willing to be killed is dangerous, particularly when we live in a country where it’s very easy for that person to buy a very powerful weapon. 而一个想要杀人且不惜一死的人是危险的，尤其是在我们这样一个国家，这个人很容易买到威力强大的武器。
So rather than offer false promises that we can eliminate terrorism by dropping more bombs, or deploying more and more troops, or fencing ourselves off from the rest of the world, we have to take a long view of the terrorist threat, and we have to pursue a smart strategy that can be sustained. 因此，与其许下我们可以通过投下更多炸弹、部署更多部队、或把自己与世界其他地方隔离开来就能消灭恐怖主义的虚假承诺，我们必须对恐怖主义威胁采取长远视角，我们必须推行一种可持续的明智战略。
In the time remaining, let me suggest what I think should guide this approach. First of all, a sustainable counterterrorism strategy depends on keeping the threat in perspective. The terrorist threat is real and it is dangerous. But these terrorists want to cast themselves as the vanguard of a new world order. They are not. They are thugs and they are murderers, and they should be treated that way. Fascism threatened to overrun the entire world -- and we had to wage total war in response. 在剩下的时间里，让我谈谈我认为应该指导这一方针的原则。首先，可持续的反恐战略取决于正确看待威胁。恐怖主义威胁是真实的，也是危险的。但这些恐怖分子想把自己塑造成一种新世界秩序的先锋。他们不是。他们是暴徒和杀人犯，应该被这样对待。法西斯主义曾威胁要席卷整个世界——我们不得不发动全面战争来应对。
Communism threatened not only to overturn a world order, but threatened nuclear holocaust -- so we had to build armaments and alliances to contain it. Today’s terrorists can kill innocent people, but they don't pose an existential threat to our nation, and we must not make the mistake of elevating them as if they do. That does their job for them. It makes them more important and helps them with recruitment. 共产主义不仅威胁要推翻世界秩序，还威胁要带来核浩劫——因此我们不得不建立军备和联盟来遏制它。今天的恐怖分子可以杀害无辜人民，但他们不对我们国家构成生存威胁，我们绝不能犯抬高他们地位的错误，好像他们真的构成了生存威胁一样。那样做正好遂了他们的意。那会让他们显得更重要，帮助他们招募新人。
A second and related point is that we cannot follow the path of previous great powers who sometimes defeated themselves through over-reach. By protecting our homeland while drawing down the number of troops serving in harm’s way overseas, we helped save resources, but more importantly, we saved lives. I can tell you, during the course of my eight years, that I have never shied away from sending men and women into danger where necessary. It's always the hardest decision I make, but it's one that I've made where the security of the American people is at stake. And I've seen the costs. 第二点与此相关，我们不能重蹈以往大国的覆辙——它们有时因过度扩张而自取灭亡。通过保护我们的本土，同时减少在海外涉险的部队数量，我们不仅节省了资源，更重要的是，我们挽救了生命。我可以告诉你们，在我八年任期内，在必要时我从不回避派男女军人赴险。这始终是我做出的最艰难的决定，但当美国人民的安全受到威胁时，我会做出这个决定。我也亲眼看到了代价。
I've held the hands of our wounded warriors at Walter Reed. I've met the caskets of the fallen at Dover. And that's why I make no apologies for only sending our troops into harm’s way when there is a clear mission that is achievable and when it is absolutely necessary. 我在沃尔特·里德医疗中心握过受伤战士的手。我在多佛空军基地迎接过阵亡将士的灵柩。这就是为什么我只为明确且可实现的任务、在绝对必要的时候才派部队涉险，我对此绝不道歉。
Number three, we need the wisdom to see that upholding our values and adhering to the rule of law is not a weakness; in the long term, it is our greatest strength. The whole objective of these terrorists is to scare us into changing the nature of who we are and our democracy. And the fact is, people and nations do not make good decisions when they are driven by fear. These terrorists can never directly destroy our way of life, but we can do it for them if we lose track of who we are and the values that this nation was founded upon. 第三，我们需要有智慧认识到，坚持我们的价值观、遵守法治不是软弱；从长远来看，这是我们最大的力量。这些恐怖分子的全部目的就是吓唬我们，让我们改变我们自己和我们民主的本质。而事实是，当人们和国家被恐惧驱使时，是做不出好决定的。这些恐怖分子永远无法直接摧毁我们的生活方式，但如果我们忘记了我们是谁、忘记了这个国家赖以建立的价值观，我们就会替他们完成这件事。
And I always remind myself that as Commander-in-Chief, I must protect our people, but I also swore an oath to defend our Constitution. And over these last eight years, we have demonstrated that staying true to our traditions as a nation of laws advances our security as well as our values. 我总是提醒自己，作为总司令，我必须保护我们的人民，但我也宣誓要捍卫我们的宪法。在过去八年里，我们已经证明，忠于我们作为法治国家的传统既能增进我们的安全，也能增进我们的价值观。
We prohibited torture, everywhere, at all times -- and that includes tactics like waterboarding. And at no time has anybody who has worked with me told me that doing so has cost us good intelligence. When we do capture terrorists, despite all the political rhetoric about the need to strip terrorists of their rights, our interrogation teams have obtained valuable information from terrorists without resorting to torture, without operating outside the law. Our Article III courts have delivered justice faster than military trials. 我们在任何地方、任何时候都禁止酷刑——包括水刑之类的手段。在我共事的人当中，从来没有人告诉我这样做让我们损失了有价值的情报。当我们确实抓获恐怖分子时，尽管有各种关于需要剥夺恐怖分子权利的政治言论，我们的审讯团队在不诉诸酷刑、不违法的情况下，从恐怖分子那里获得了有价值的信息。我们的第三条宪法法院（联邦法院）比军事审判更快地伸张了正义。
And our prisons have proven more than capable of holding the most dangerous terrorists. 而我们的监狱已被证明完全有能力关押最危险的恐怖分子。
Consider the terrorists who have been captured, lawfully interrogated, and prosecuted in civilian courts. Faisal Shahzad, who tried to set off a car bomb in Times Square. Dzohkar Tsarneyev, the Boston Marathon bomber. Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab, the so-called “underwear bomber.” American juries and judges have determined that none of these people will know freedom again. But we did it lawfully. And the wheels of justice right now are turning for others -- terrorists like Ahmed Warsame, an al-Shabaab commander, and Abu Khatalla, accused leader of the Benghazi attacks. 想想那些被抓获、依法审讯并在民事法庭被起诉的恐怖分子吧。费萨尔·哈扎兹，试图在时代广场引爆汽车炸弹的人。焦哈尔·沙尔尼耶夫，波士顿马拉松爆炸案的凶手。奥马尔·法鲁克·阿卜杜勒穆塔拉布，所谓的"内衣炸弹客"。美国的陪审团和法官已经裁定，这些人都将永远失去自由。但我们是依法行事的。而正义的车轮现在正转向其他人——比如青年党指挥官艾哈迈德·瓦尔萨梅，以及被指控策划班加西袭击的阿布·哈塔拉。
We can get these terrorists and stay true to who we are. 我们既能抓到这些恐怖分子，也能忠于我们自己的原则。
And, in fact, our success in dealing with terrorists through our justice system reinforces why it is past time to shut down the detention facility at Guantanamo. This is not just my opinion, it's the opinion of many military leaders. During my administration, we have responsibly transferred over 175 detainees to foreign governments, with safeguards to reduce the risk of them returning to the battlefield. And we've cut the population in Gitmo from 242 to 59. 事实上，我们通过司法系统处理恐怖分子的成功，更说明了为什么早就该关闭关塔那摩拘留营了。这不只是我的看法，也是许多军方领导人的看法。在我的政府任期内，我们负责任地将175多名在押人员转移到外国政府，并采取了保障措施以降低他们重返战场的风险。我们已经将关塔那摩的在押人数从242人减少到59人。
The politics of fear has led Congress to prevent any detainees from being transferred to prisons in the United States -- even though, as we speak, we imprison dangerous terrorists in our prisons, and we have even more dangerous criminals in all of our prisons across the country; even though our allies oftentimes will not turn over a terrorist if they think that terrorist could end up in Gitmo; even though groups like ISIL use Gitmo in their propaganda. So we're wasting hundreds of millions of dollars to keep fewer than 60 people in a detention facility in Cuba. That’s not strength. 恐惧政治导致国会禁止将任何在押人员转移到美国的监狱——尽管就在我们说话的此刻，我们的监狱里就关押着危险的恐怖分子，我们全国各地的监狱里还有更危险的罪犯；尽管我们的盟友往往不愿交出恐怖分子，如果他们认为那个恐怖分子最终可能会被关进关塔那摩；尽管像伊斯兰国这样的组织在他们的宣传中利用关塔那摩大做文章。所以我们在浪费数亿美元，只为把不到60个人关在古巴的一个拘留营里。那不是力量。
Until Congress changes course, it will be judged harshly by history, and I will continue to do all that I can to remove this blot on our national honor. 在国会改变做法之前，它将受到历史的严厉评判，而我将继续尽我所能抹去我们国家荣誉上的这一污点。
Number four, we have to fight terrorists in a way that does not create more terrorists. For example, in a dangerous world, terrorists seek out places where it’s often impossible to capture them, or to count on local governments to do so. And that means the best option for us to get those terrorists becomes a targeted strike. So we have taken action under my command, including with drones, to remove terrorists from the battlefield, which protects our troops and has prevented real threats to the American people. 第四，我们打击恐怖分子的方式不能制造更多恐怖分子。例如，在一个危险的世界里，恐怖分子会躲在往往无法抓获他们、或无法指望当地政府抓获他们的地方。这意味着，对我们来说，除掉这些恐怖分子的最佳选择就成了定点打击。因此，在我的指挥下，我们采取了行动，包括使用无人机，将恐怖分子从战场上清除，这保护了我们的部队，并阻止了对美国人民的切实威胁。
Now, under rules that I put in place and that I made public, before any strike is taken outside of a warzone, there must be near certainty that no civilians will be killed or injured. And while nothing is certain in any strike, and we have acknowledged that there are tragic instances where innocents have been killed by our strikes, this is the highest standard that we can set. Nevertheless, we still have critics who suggest that these strikes are wrong. And I say to them, you have to weigh the alternatives. 根据我制定并公开的规则，在战区之外采取任何打击行动之前，必须近乎确定不会造成平民伤亡。虽然任何打击都没有绝对的把握，我们也承认有过无辜者被我们的打击行动误伤的悲惨事例，但这是我们能够设定的最高标准。尽管如此，仍有批评者认为这些打击是错误的。而我要对他们说，你们必须权衡一下替代方案。
Drone strikes allow us to deny terrorists a safe haven without airstrikes, which are less precise, or invasions that are much more likely to kill innocent civilians as well as American servicemembers. 无人机打击使我们能够不让恐怖分子拥有避风港，而不必使用精确度更低的空袭，也不必发动更可能同时杀害无辜平民和美国军人的入侵。
So the actions that we’ve taken have saved lives at home and abroad. But the point is, is that we do have to be careful to make sure that when we take actions, we’re not alienating local populations, because that will serve as recruitment for new terrorists. 因此，我们采取的行动挽救了国内外的生命。但关键在于，我们必须谨慎确保，当我们采取行动时，我们没有疏远当地民众，因为那将成为新恐怖分子的招募来源。
Number five, transparency and accountability serve our national security not just in times of peace, but, more importantly, in times of conflict. And that’s why we’ve made public information about which terrorist organizations we’re fighting and why we’re fighting them. We’ve released assessments of non-combatants killed in our operations, taken responsibility when mistakes are made. We've declassified information about interrogation methods that were wrong so we learn from past mistakes. 第五，透明和问责不仅在和平时期服务于我们的国家安全，在冲突时期更是如此。这就是为什么我们公开了我们正在打击哪些恐怖组织以及为什么要打击它们的信息。我们公布了行动中造成非战斗人员死亡的评估，在犯错误时承担责任。我们解密了关于错误审讯方法的信息，以便我们从过去的错误中吸取教训。
And yesterday, I directed our government for the first time to release a full description of the legal and policy frameworks that guide our military operations around the world. 就在昨天，我指示我们的政府首次全面披露指导我们全球军事行动的法律和政策框架。
This public information allows for a more informed public debate, and it provides a potential check on unfettered executive power. The power of the presidency is awesome, but it is supposed to be bound by you, our citizens. But here’s the thing: That information doesn’t mean anything, it doesn’t work if the people’s representatives in Congress don’t do their jobs, if they’re not paying attention. 这些公开信息使公众辩论更加知情，并对不受约束的行政权力提供了潜在的制约。总统的权力是巨大的，但它理应受到你们——我们的公民——的约束。但问题是：如果国会中的人民代表不履行他们的职责，如果他们不关注，那么这些信息就毫无意义，就不起作用。
Right now, we are waging war under authorities provided by Congress over 15 years ago -- 15 years ago. I had no gray hair 15 years ago. Two years ago, I asked Congress, let’s update the authorization, provide us a new authorization for the war against ISIL, reflecting the changing nature of the threats, reflecting the lessons that we’ve learned from the last decade. So far, Congress has refused to take a vote. 目前，我们正在根据国会15年前——15年前——授予的权力进行战争。15年前我还没有白头发。两年前，我要求国会——让我们更新授权，为打击伊斯兰国的战争提供新的授权，以反映威胁性质的变化，反映我们从过去十年中学到的教训。到目前为止，国会拒绝投票。
Democracies should not operate in a state of permanently authorized war. That’s not good for our military, it’s not good for our democracy. And, by the way, part of the reason that’s dangerous is because today, with our outstanding, all-volunteer force, only one percent of the population is actually fighting. Which means that you are carrying the burden. 民主国家不应该在永久授权战争的状态下运作。这对我们的军队不利，对我们的民主不利。顺便说一句，这之所以危险，部分原因是今天，凭借我们杰出的全志愿部队，只有百分之一的人口真正在打仗。这意味着，是你们在承担重担。
Which means that it is important for us to know what it is that we’re doing and have to explain what we are doing to the public, because it becomes too easy to just send one percent of the population out to do things even if they’re not well thought through. 这意味着，我们必须知道我们在做什么，必须向公众解释我们在做什么，因为太容易了——把百分之一的人口派出去做事，哪怕这些事并没有经过深思熟虑。
If a threat is serious enough to require the sacrifice of our men and women in uniform, then members of Congress should at least have the courage to make clear where they stand -– not on the sidelines -- not on cable TV shows, but by fulfilling their constitutional duty and authorizing the use of force against the threats that we face today. That’s how democracies are supposed to work. 如果威胁严重到需要我们的男女军人做出牺牲，那么国会议员至少应该有勇气明确表明自己的立场——不是站在边线上——不是在有线电视节目上，而是通过履行他们的宪法职责，授权对我们今天面临的威胁使用武力。民主制度就该这样运作。
Number six, alongside our outstanding military work, we have to draw upon the strength of our diplomacy. Terrorists would love to see us walk away from the type of work that builds international coalitions, and ends conflicts, and stops the spread of deadly weapons. It would make life easier for them; it would be a tragic mistake for us. 第六，除了我们杰出的军事工作之外，我们还必须借助外交的力量。恐怖分子乐于看到我们放弃建立国际联盟、结束冲突、阻止致命武器扩散的那种工作。那会让他们的日子好过些；对我们来说，那将是一个悲剧性的错误。
Just think about what we’ve done these last eight years without firing a shot. We’ve rolled back Iran’s nuclear program. That’s not just my assessment, that’s the assessment of Israeli intelligence, even though they were opposed to the deal. We’ve secured nuclear materials around the globe, reducing the risk that they fall into the hands of terrorists. We’ve eliminated Syria’s declared chemical weapons program. All of these steps have helped keep us safe and helped keep our troops safe. Those are the result of diplomacy. 想想这八年里我们在不动一枪一弹的情况下做了什么。我们遏制了伊朗的核计划。这不只是我的评估，也是以色列情报机构的评估，尽管他们反对这项协议。我们在全球范围内确保了核材料的安全，降低了它们落入恐怖分子手中的风险。我们消除了叙利亚已申报的化学武器计划。所有这些措施都帮助保护了我们的安全，也帮助保护了我们部队的安全。这些都是外交的成果。
And sustained diplomatic efforts, no matter how frustrating or difficult they sometimes appear, are going to be required to resolve the conflicts roiling the in Middle East, from Yemen, to Syria, to Israel and Palestine. And if we don’t have strong efforts there, the more you will be called upon to clean up after the failure of diplomacy. 而持续的外交努力——无论有时看起来多么令人沮丧或困难——对于解决从中东各地蔓延的冲突都是必要的，从也门到叙利亚，再到以色列和巴勒斯坦。如果我们不在那里做出强有力的努力，你们就会更多地被号召去收拾外交失败的烂摊子。
Similarly, any long-term strategy to reduce the threat of terrorism depends on investments that strengthen some of these fragile societies. Our generals, our commanders understand this. This is not charity. It’s fundamental to our national security. A dollar spent on development is worth a lot more than a dollar spent fighting a war. 同样，任何减少恐怖主义威胁的长期战略，都依赖于加强其中一些脆弱社会的投资。我们的将军、我们的指挥官都明白这一点。这不是慈善。这对我们的国家安全至关重要。花在发展上的一美元，比花在打仗上的一美元有价值得多。
This is how we prevent conflicts from starting in the first place. This is how we can ensure that peace is lasting -- after we've fought. It’s how we stop people from falling prey to extremism -- because children are going to school and they can think for themselves, and families can feed themselves and aren’t desperate, and communities are not ravaged by diseases, and countries are not devastated by climate changes. 这就是我们如何从一开始就防止冲突爆发的方式。这就是我们如何确保和平在战后能够持久的方式。这就是我们如何阻止人们落入极端主义陷阱的方式——因为孩子们能上学，能独立思考，家庭能够养活自己而不致绝望，社区不会被疾病蹂躏，国家不会被气候变化摧毁。
As Americans, we have to see the value of empowering civil societies so that there are outlets for people’s frustrations, and we have to support entrepreneurs who want to build businesses instead of destroying. We have to invest in young people because the areas that are generating terrorists are typically having a huge youth bulge, which makes them more dangerous. And there are times where we need to help refugees who have escaped the horrors of war in search of a better life. 作为美国人，我们必须看到赋能公民社会的价值，这样人们的挫折才有宣泄的出口，我们必须支持想要创办企业而不是搞破坏的企业家。我们必须投资于年轻人，因为滋生恐怖分子的地区通常有着巨大的青年人口膨胀，这使它们更加危险。有些时候，我们需要帮助那些逃离战争恐怖、寻求更好生活的难民。
Our military recognizes that these issues of governance and human dignity and development are vital to our security. It’s central to our plans in places like Afghanistan and Iraq. Let’s make sure that this wisdom is reflected in our budgets, as well. 我们的军队认识到，治理、人的尊严和发展这些问题对我们的安全至关重要。这是我们在阿富汗和伊拉克等地计划的核心。让我们确保这种智慧也反映在我们的预算中。
And finally, in this fight, we have to uphold the civil liberties that define us. Terrorists want us to turn on one another. And while defeating them requires us to draw upon the enormous capabilities of all of our government, we have make sure changes in how we address terrorists are not abused. This is why, for example, we’ve made extensive reforms in how we gather intelligence around the world, increasing oversight, placing new restrictions on the government’s ability to retain and search and use certain communications so that people trust us, and that way they cooperate and work with us. 最后，在这场斗争中，我们必须维护定义我们的公民自由。恐怖分子希望我们互相攻击。虽然击败他们需要我们调动我们政府的巨大能力，但我们必须确保我们应对恐怖分子的方式改变不被滥用。这就是为什么，例如，我们对我们在全球收集情报的方式进行了广泛改革，加强了监督，对政府保留、搜索和使用某些通信的能力施加了新的限制，这样人们才会信任我们，才会与我们合作。
We don’t use our power to indiscriminately read emails or listen to phone calls just targeted at folks who might be trying to do us harm. We use it to save lives. And by doing so, by maintaining these civil liberties, we sustain the confidence of the American people and we get the cooperation of our allies more readily. Protecting liberty -- that's something we do for all Americans, and not just some. 我们不利用我们的权力不加区别地阅读电子邮件或监听电话，只针对那些可能试图伤害我们的人。我们用它来拯救生命。通过这样做，通过维护这些公民自由，我们保持了美国人民的信任，也更容易获得盟友的合作。保护自由——这是我们为所有美国人做的事，而不是只为一部分人。
We are fighting terrorists who claim to fight on behalf of Islam. But they do not speak for over a billion Muslims around the world, and they do not speak for American Muslims, including many who wear the uniform of the United States of America’s military. 我们正在打击那些声称代表伊斯兰教作战的恐怖分子。但他们并不代表全世界10亿多穆斯林，他们也不代表美国穆斯林，包括许多身穿美利坚合众国军装的穆斯林。
If we stigmatize good, patriotic Muslims, that just feeds the terrorists’ narrative. It fuels the same false grievances that they use to motivate people to kill. If we act like this is a war between the United States and Islam, we're not just going to lose more Americans to terrorist attacks, but we’ll also lose sight of the very principles we claim to defend. 如果我们污名化善良、爱国的穆斯林，那只会助长恐怖分子的叙事。那会为他们用来鼓动人们杀人的虚假怨恨添柴加火。如果我们表现得好像这是美国与伊斯兰教之间的战争，我们不仅会在恐怖袭击中失去更多美国人，还会忘记我们声称要捍卫的那些原则本身。
So let my final words to you as your Commander-in-Chief be a reminder of what it is that you're fighting for, what it is that we are fighting for. The United States of America is not a country that imposes religious tests as a price for freedom. We're a country that was founded so that people could practice their faiths as they choose. The United States of America is not a place where some citizens have to withstand greater scrutiny, or carry a special ID card, or prove that they’re not an enemy from within. 因此，让我作为你们总司令对你们说的最后一句话，是提醒你们在为什么而战，我们在为什么而战。美利坚合众国不是一个以宗教测试作为自由代价的国家。我们国家建立的初衷是让人们可以自由地信奉他们选择的信仰。美利坚合众国不是一个某些公民必须承受更多审查、或携带特殊身份证、或证明自己不是内部敌人的地方。
We’re a country that has bled and struggled and sacrificed against that kind of discrimination and arbitrary rule, here in our own country and around the world. 我们的国家曾流血、曾奋斗、曾牺牲，以反对这种歧视和专横统治——在我们自己的国家，也在世界各地。
We’re a nation that believes freedom can never be taken for granted and that each of us has a responsibility to sustain it. The universal right to speak your mind and to protest against authority, to live in a society that’s open and free, that can criticize a President without retribution -- a country where you're judged by the content of your character rather than what you look like, or how you worship, or what your last name is, or where your family came from -- that's what separates us from tyrants and terrorists. 我们是一个相信自由绝不能被视为理所当然、我们每个人都有责任维护它的国家。畅所欲言和抗议权威的普世权利，生活在一个开放自由的社会中、可以批评总统而不受报复的权利——一个你被评判的依据是你的品格内涵，而不是你的长相、你的信仰方式、你的姓氏是什么、你的家人来自哪里的国家——这就是我们与暴君和恐怖分子的区别。
We are a nation that stands for the rule of law, and strengthen the laws of war. When the Nazis were defeated, we put them on trial. Some couldn’t understand that; it had never happened before. But as one of the American lawyers who was at Nuremberg says, “I was trying to prove that the rule of law should govern human behavior.” And by doing so, we broadened the scope and reach of justice around the world. We held ourselves out as a beacon and an example for others. 我们是一个捍卫法治、并强化战争法的国家。当纳粹被击败时，我们将他们送上审判台。有些人无法理解；这种事以前从未发生过。但正如一位出席纽伦堡审判的美国律师所说："我在努力证明，法治应当支配人类行为。"通过这样做，我们拓宽了正义在全世界的范围和影响。我们以自己为灯塔，为他人树立了榜样。
We are a nation that won World Wars without grabbing the resources of those we defeated. We helped them rebuild. We didn't hold on to territory, other than the cemeteries where we buried our dead. Our Greatest Generation fought and bled and died to build an international order of laws and institutions that could preserve the peace, and extend prosperity, and promote cooperation among nations. And for all of its imperfections, we depend on that international order to protect our own freedom. 我们是一个赢得了世界大战却没有掠夺战败国资源的国家。我们帮助他们重建。我们没有占领领土，除了埋葬我们死者的墓地。我们最伟大的一代人浴血奋战，用生命建立了一个由法律和制度构成的国际秩序，它能够维护和平、扩展繁荣、促进国家间的合作。尽管它有种种不完美，但我们依靠这一国际秩序来保护我们自己的自由。
In other words, we are a nation that at our best has been defined by hope, and not fear. A country that went through the crucible of a Civil War to offer a new birth of freedom; that stormed the beaches of Normandy, climbed the hills of Iwo Jima; that saw ordinary people mobilize to extend the meaning of civil rights. That's who we are. That's what makes us stronger than any act of terror. 换句话说，我们的国家在最美好的时候，是以希望而非恐惧来定义的。一个经历了内战的洗礼、迎来自由新生的国家；一个冲上诺曼底海滩、攻上硫磺岛山岭的国家；一个见证了普通民众动员起来拓展民权意义的国家。这就是我们。这就是让我们比任何恐怖行为都更强大的原因。
Remember that history. Remember what that flag stands for. For we depend upon you -- the heirs to that legacy -- our men and women in uniform, and the citizens who support you, to carry forward what is best in us -- that commitment to a common creed. The confidence that right makes might, not the other way around. 铭记那段历史。铭记那面旗帜代表的意义。因为我们依靠你们——这一遗产的继承者——我们的男女军人，以及支持你们的公民，来传承我们最美好的东西——对共同信念的承诺。正义产生力量的信念，而不是反过来。
That’s how we can sustain this long struggle. That's how we’ll protect this country. That's how we’ll protect our Constitution against all threats, foreign and domestic. 这就是我们如何能够坚持这场长期斗争的方式。这就是我们如何保护这个国家的方式。这就是我们如何保护我们的宪法免受一切威胁——国外的和国内的。
I trust that you will fulfill that mission, as you have fulfilled all others. It has been the greatest honor of my life to serve as your Commander-in-Chief. I thank you for all that you've done, and all that you will do in the future. 我相信你们会完成这一使命，正如你们完成了所有其他使命一样。担任你们的总司令，是我一生最大的荣耀。我感谢你们所做的一切，以及你们未来将要做的一切。
May God bless you. 愿上帝保佑你们。
May God bless our troops. 愿上帝保佑我们的军队。
And may God bless the United States of America. 愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
