I want to begin by once again thanking President Varela and the people of Panama City and all the Panamanian people for being such excellent hosts at this Summit of the Americas. Given its strategic location -- a place where cultures and commerce of our hemisphere have long intersected -- Panama has often been called the “crossroads of the world.” And with Panama’s leadership, our nations have come together to focus on the world, on the future, and on what we can build for the one billion people of the Americas. 首先，请允许我再次感谢巴雷拉总统、巴拿马城人民以及全体巴拿马人民，感谢你们在本次美洲峰会上担任如此出色的东道主。巴拿马凭借其战略位置——长期以来一直是我们半球文化与商业的交汇之地——常被称为"世界的十字路口"。在巴拿马的领导下，我们各国齐聚一堂，聚焦世界、着眼未来，以及我们能为美洲十亿人民建设什么。
This has been my third Summit of the Americas and my eighth visit to Latin America. And my trip reflects, as I mentioned earlier, a new era of U.S. engagement in the region. Over the past few days we’ve advanced our engagement across the board. 这是我第三次参加美洲峰会，也是我第八次访问拉丁美洲。正如我先前提到的，此行体现了美国参与本地区事务的新时代。过去几天里，我们全面推进了各领域的参与。
In keeping with the Inter-American Democratic Charter, we continue to stand up strongly for democracy and human rights. This was the first Summit of the Americas to include a formal role for civil society. As I said at yesterday’s forum, the United States will continue to deepen our support for civil society groups across the Americas and around the world. I’m pleased that there was widespread agreement among the nations here that civil society groups have a permanent role in future summits. 根据《美洲民主宪章》，我们继续坚定捍卫民主与人权。这是首次纳入公民社会正式角色的美洲峰会。正如我在昨天的论坛上所说，美国将继续深化对美洲及全世界公民社会团体的支持。我很高兴，与会各国普遍同意公民社会团体在未来的峰会中应拥有永久性角色。
And the United States will support this work through the new innovation center we’re creating to empower civil society groups across Latin America. 美国将通过我们正在建立的新创新中心来支持这项工作，赋能拉丁美洲的公民社会团体。
How to promote greater opportunity for the Cuban people was also a major focus of my meeting with President Castro, the first between leaders of our two nations in more than half a century. I told President Castro in private what I’ve have said in public -- that our governments will continue to have differences and the United States will continue to stand firmly for universal values and human rights. At the same time, we agreed that we can continue to take steps forward that advance our mutual interests. 如何为古巴人民促进更多机遇，也是我与卡斯特罗总统会晤的一个重点——这是半个多世纪以来我们两国领导人的首次会晤。我在私下对卡斯特罗总统说了我在公开场合说过的话——我们两国政府将继续存在分歧，美国将继续坚定地捍卫普世价值观和人权。同时，我们一致认为可以继续采取向前的步骤，推进我们的共同利益。
We’ll continue to work toward reestablishing diplomatic relations, reopening embassies in Havana and Washington, and encouraging greater contacts and commerce and exchanges between our citizens. 我们将继续努力恢复外交关系，重新开放哈瓦那和华盛顿的大使馆，并鼓励两国公民之间更多的接触、商业往来和交流。
I’m optimistic that we’ll continue to make progress and that this can indeed be a turning point -- not just between the United States and Cuba, but for greater cooperation among countries across the region. 我对我们将继续取得进展持乐观态度，这确实可以成为一个转折点——不仅是美古之间的转折点，也是本地区各国之间加强合作的转折点。
Second, we continued our work to create more prosperity and opportunity for our people. At our meeting yesterday, Central American leaders reaffirmed their commitment to pursue the good governance and economic and security reforms that are needed, and I reiterated my commitment to working with Congress to secure the $1 billion I’ve proposed for our engagement with Central America. 第二，我们继续致力于为我们的人民创造更多繁荣和机遇。在昨天的会议上，中美洲领导人重申了他们推行善政以及必要的经济和安全改革的承诺，我也重申了我的承诺，即与国会合作，争取为我们与中美洲的合作提供我提议的10亿美元资金。
Yesterday’s deal between Boeing and Copa Airlines will support jobs in the United States, in Panama, and across the region, and I think is representative of the commercial opportunities that allow both north and southern hemispheres -- both North and South America, as well as Central America to prosper if we deepen those trade ties. 昨天波音公司与巴拿马航空达成的协议将为美国、巴拿马及整个地区创造就业机会，我认为这代表了商业机遇——如果我们深化贸易联系，南北美洲以及中美洲都将因此繁荣。
I was encouraged by the support of many leaders here for the WTO Trade Facilitation agreement, which would boost regional trade, and for the Trans-Pacific Partnership, with its high standards for trade and strong protections for workers and the environment. 我对许多与会领导人支持世界贸易组织贸易便利化协定感到鼓舞，该协定将促进区域贸易；同时他们也支持跨太平洋伙伴关系协定，该协定有着高标准的贸易规则以及对劳工和环境的强有力保护。
Thanks to Panama’s leadership, this summit included a special focus on how countries can expand access to education. I want to thank our private sector partners who pledged to continue their support of our 100,000 Strong in the Americas initiative to encourage more exchanges between our students. The nearly $70 million in investments that I’ve announced in Jamaica will expand education and training and employment programs for young people across Latin America and the Caribbean, including in impoverished and marginalized communities. 感谢巴拿马的领导，本次峰会特别关注各国如何扩大教育机会。我要感谢我们的私营部门合作伙伴，他们承诺继续支持我们的"美洲十万人交流计划"，以鼓励更多学生交流。我在牙买加宣布的近7000万美元投资，将扩大拉丁美洲和加勒比地区年轻人的教育、培训和就业项目，包括贫困和边缘化社区。
And the Young Leaders of the Americas initiative that I launched will help young entrepreneurs and civil society leaders across the entire region access the training and the resources and connections they need to start new ventures, including the small businesses that create so many jobs in the region. 我发起的"美洲青年领袖倡议"将帮助整个地区的年轻企业家和公民社会领袖获得他们开创事业所需的培训、资源和人脉，包括在该地区创造大量就业的小企业。
Finally, we took new steps to invest in clean energy and combat climate change. The new fund I announced with our Caribbean and Central American partners will help mobilize private sector investment in clean energy projects and reduce carbon emissions across the region, and our new energy task force will identify additional steps we can take together. A number of our countries committed to doubling our collective share of non-hydro renewable energy by 2030. 最后，我们采取了新的步骤投资清洁能源、应对气候变化。我与加勒比和中美洲合作伙伴共同宣布的新基金，将帮助调动私营部门对清洁能源项目的投资，减少整个地区的碳排放，而我们新成立的能源工作组将确定我们可以共同采取的更多措施。我们多个国家承诺，到2030年将我们集体的非水电可再生能源份额翻一番。
I reaffirmed that, through our $3 billion pledge to the Green Climate Fund, the United States will continue to help developing nations deal with the impacts of climate change. And I reiterated our commitment to ensure that all countries in the hemisphere have open access to climate data as we meet this challenge together. 我重申，通过我们向绿色气候基金提供的30亿美元承诺，美国将继续帮助发展中国家应对气候变化的影响。我还重申了我们的承诺，确保半球所有国家都能公开获取气候数据，共同应对这一挑战。
So, continued progress on Cuba; new commitments to help lift up young people in the region; new partnerships to protect this beautiful land and our planet. As I said this morning, the United States is more deeply engaged across the region than we have been in decades, and I believe the relationship between the United States and the Americas is as good as it has ever been. We’re focused on the future and what we can build and achieve together. And our engagement with the countries and peoples of the Americas is going to continue throughout the remainder of my presidency. 因此，古巴问题持续取得进展；帮助该地区年轻人发展的新承诺；保护这片美丽土地和我们星球的新伙伴关系。正如我今天上午所说，美国对本地区的参与比过去几十年都更加深入，我相信美国与美洲的关系正处于历史最好水平。我们着眼于未来，着眼于我们可以共同建设和实现的目标。在我剩余的总统任期内，我们与美洲各国和人民的接触将继续下去。
So, with that, let me take some questions. I'll start with Jim Kuhnhenn. 那么，接下来我来回答一些问题。先请吉姆·库亨提问。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. Sir, you head back to the United States with the task of convincing the American people and Congress on two major foreign policy initiatives -- the framework for a nuclear deal with Iran, and likely soon, the decision to remove Cuba from a list of state sponsors of terror. Recent remarks by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini have raised doubts among some as to whether that deal can occur in Iran. And Senator Schumer, an ally of yours, has -- wants Congress to have the right to vote on removal of sanctions. 问：谢谢总统先生。先生，您返回美国后面临的任务是，就两项重大外交政策倡议说服美国人民和国会——伊朗核协议框架，以及可能很快做出的将古巴从支持恐怖主义国家名单中移除的决定。最高领袖哈梅内伊最近的言论让一些人怀疑伊朗是否真的能达成协议。而您的盟友舒默参议员希望国会有权就解除制裁进行表决。
Presidential politics are likely to play a part in this Cuba decision inevitably. So I’m wondering if it would take a lot of political capital just to get one done, let alone two. Have you bitten off more than you can chew? 总统政治不可避免地可能会在古巴问题的决策中发挥作用。所以我想知道，仅仅完成其中一项是否就需要耗费大量政治资本，更不用说两项了。您是不是揽得太多了？
President Obama: No. You may be surprised by that response, Jim. Let me take them in turn. 奥巴马总统：不。你可能会对这个回答感到惊讶，吉姆。让我逐一说明。
First of all, with respect to Cuba, there is majority support of our policy in the United States, and there’s overwhelming support for our policy in Cuba. I think people recognize that if you keep on doing something for 50 years and it doesn’t work, you should try something new. 首先，关于古巴，我们的政策在美国得到了多数支持，在古巴也得到了压倒性的支持。我认为人们认识到，如果你持续做一件事50年都没有效果，你就应该尝试新的做法。
And so the American people don’t need to be persuaded that this is, in fact, the right thing to do. I recognize that there are still concerns and questions that Congress may have; we’ve got concerns and questions about specific activities that are taking place in Cuba, and human rights and reform. And there were two members of the Cuban civil society that were in attendance at the meeting that I had yesterday who expressed much of what they have to go through on a day-to-day basis. They were supportive of our policy of engagement with Cuba. 所以美国人民不需要被说服这实际上是正确的做法。我知道国会可能仍有担忧和疑问；我们对古巴正在发生的具体活动、人权和改革也有关切和疑问。昨天我会晤时，有两位古巴公民社会成员出席了会议，他们讲述了自己日常生活中必须经历的许多事情。他们支持我们与古巴接触的政策。
And so I don’t think that it’s so much we have to persuade anybody. The issue of the State Sponsor of Terrorism list -- as you know, the State Department has provided a recommendation; it’s gone through our interagency process. I’ll be honest with you, I have been on the road, and I want to make sure that I have a chance to read it, study it, before we announce publicly what the policy outcome is going to be. 所以我不认为我们需要说服谁。关于支持恐怖主义国家名单的问题——如你所知，国务院已经提供了一份建议；它已经过了我们的跨部门审查程序。老实跟你说，我一直在路上，我想确保我有机会先阅读和研究它，然后我们再公开宣布政策结果是什么。
But in terms of the overall direction of Cuba policy, I think there is a strong majority both in the United States and in Cuba that says our ability to engage, to open up commerce and travel and people-to-people exchanges is ultimately going to be good for the Cuban people. 但就古巴政策的总体方向而言，我认为美国和古巴都有强烈的多数声音认为，我们接触、开放商业和旅行以及人文交流的能力最终将有利于古巴人民。
Now, with respect to Iran, I have always been clear: We are not done yet. What we were able to obtain was a political framework between the P5+1 nations and Iran that provided unprecedented verification of what is taking place in Iran over the next two decades that significantly cuts back on its centrifuges, that cuts of pathways for it to obtain a nuclear weapon, and that calls for, in return, the rolling back of sanctions in a phased way that allows us to snap back if Iran violates the agreement. That’s the political framework. 现在，关于伊朗，我一直很清楚：我们还没有完成。我们所达成的是P5+1国家与伊朗之间的政治框架，它为未来二十年伊朗的核活动提供了前所未有的核查，大幅削减了其离心机数量，切断了其获取核武器的途径，并且要求作为回报，分阶段撤销制裁——如果伊朗违反协议，我们可以迅速恢复制裁。这就是政治框架。
That was not just something that the United States and Iran agreed to, but Iran agreed to a political framework with the other P5+1 nations. 这不仅仅是美国和伊朗之间的协议，伊朗是与其他P5+1国家达成的政治框架。
Now, what’s always been clear is, is that Iran has its own politics around this issue. They have their own hardliners. They have their own countervailing impulses in terms of whether or not to go forward with something, just as we have in our country. And so it’s not surprising to me that the Supreme Leader or a whole bunch of other people are going to try to characterize the deal in a way that protects their political position. But I know what was discussed at -- in arriving at the political agreement. 现在，一直很清楚的是，伊朗在这个问题上有自己的政治考量。他们有自己的强硬派。他们对于是否推进某件事也有自己的反向冲动，就像我们国家一样。所以最高领袖或其他许多人会试图以保护自己政治地位的方式来描述协议，这对我来说并不奇怪。但我知道在达成政治协议时讨论了什么。
What I’ve always said, though, is that there’s the possibility of backsliding. There’s the possibility that it doesn’t get memorialized in a way that satisfies us that we’re able to verify that, in fact, Iran is not getting a nuclear weapon, and that we are preserving the capacity to snap back sanctions in the event that they are breaking any deal. 不过，我一直说的是，存在倒退的可能性。存在这样一种可能：最终达成的协议无法让我们满意地确认伊朗不会获得核武器，也无法确保我们在他们违反任何协议时恢复制裁的能力。
And that’s why the work is going to be so important between now and the end of June to memorialize this so that we can all examine it. And we don’t have to speculate on what the meaning of a deal is going to be. Either there’s going to be a document that Iran agrees with the world community about and a series of actions that have to be taken, or there’s not. Part of the challenge in this whole process has been opponents of basically any deal with Iran have constantly tried to characterize what the deal is without seeing it. 这就是为什么从现在到6月底的工作如此重要——要把这份协议具体化，这样我们大家都可以审视它。我们不必猜测协议的意义会是什么。要么会有一份伊朗与国际社会达成一致的文件以及一系列必须采取的行动，要么就没有。整个过程中的部分挑战在于，任何对伊协议的反对者都在不断试图在尚未看到协议的情况下描述协议是什么。
Now, if we are able to obtain a final deal that comports with the political agreement -- and I say “if” because that’s not yet final -- then I’m absolutely positive that that is the best way to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon. And that’s not my opinion; that’s the opinion of people like Ernie Moniz, my Secretary of Energy, who is a physicist from MIT and actually knows something about this stuff. That’s the opinion of a whole bunch of nuclear experts who examined the deal. 现在，如果我们能够达成一份符合政治协议的最终协议——我说"如果"，因为这还没有最终确定——那么我绝对确信，这是阻止伊朗获得核武器的最佳途径。这不是我的个人观点；这是欧内斯特·莫尼兹等人的观点，我的能源部长，他是麻省理工学院的物理学家，对这些事情确实有所了解。这是一大批研究过该协议的核专家的观点。
Very rarely do you see a consensus -- “consensus” is too strong a word -- a large majority of people who are experts in the field saying this is actually a realistic, plausible, meaningful approach to cut off the pathways for Iran getting a nuclear weapon, and that it is more likely to succeed not only than maintaining current sanctions or additional sanctions, but more likely to succeed than if we took a military approach to solving the problem. 你很少能看到这样的共识——"共识"这个词太强了——但该领域的绝大多数人都认为，这确实是切断伊朗获取核武器途径的一种现实、可行且有意义的方法，而且它不仅比维持现有制裁或增加制裁更有可能成功，也比我们采取军事手段解决问题更有可能成功。
Again, that’s not uniquely my opinion. That is -- talk to people who are not affiliated with the administration, some of whom were skeptical about our capacity to get a deal done and have now looked at it and said if we’re able to actually get what was discussed in the political framework, it’s absolutely the right thing to do. 再说一遍，这不是我一个人的观点。去问问那些与本届政府无关的人，他们中有些人曾对我们达成协议的能力持怀疑态度，但现在研究了之后说，如果我们真的能达成政治框架中讨论的内容，那绝对是正确的做法。
Now, there’s politics and political pressure inside of the United States. We all know that. The Prime Minister of Israel is deeply opposed to it. I think he’s made that very clear. I have repeatedly asked, what is the alternative that you present that you think makes it less likely for Iran to get a nuclear weapon, and I have yet to obtain a good answer on that that. 现在，美国国内存在政治因素和政治压力。我们都知道这一点。以色列总理强烈反对。我认为他已经说得很清楚了。我一再问，你们提出的替代方案是什么，你们认为哪个方案更不可能让伊朗获得核武器，但我还没有得到一个好的答案。
And the narrow question that’s going to be presented next week when Congress comes back is what’s Congress’s appropriate role in looking at a final deal. And I’ve talked to not only Bob Corker, but I’ve talked to Ben Cardin, the Ranking Member on the Democratic side. And I want to work with them so that Congress can look at this deal when it’s done. What I’m concerned about is making sure that we don’t prejudge it, or those who are opposed to any deal whatsoever try to use a procedural argument essentially to screw up the possibility of a deal. 下周国会复会时将要提出的一个狭义问题是，国会在审视最终协议中应扮演什么适当角色。我不仅与鲍勃·科克谈过，也与民主党方面的资深议员本·卡丹谈过。我希望与他们合作，以便国会在协议达成后能够审视它。我担心的是，确保我们不会预先判断它，或者那些反对任何协议的人试图利用程序上的论点从根本上破坏达成协议的可能性。
Last comment I’m going to make on this. When I hear some, like Senator McCain recently, suggest that our Secretary of State, John Kerry, who served in the United States Senate, a Vietnam veteran, who’s provided exemplary service to this nation, is somehow less trustworthy in the interpretation of what’s in a political agreement than the Supreme Leader of Iran -- that’s an indication of the degree to which partisanship has crossed all boundaries. And we’re seeing this again and again. 关于这个问题我要说的最后一点。当我听到一些人，比如麦凯恩参议员最近暗示，我们的国务卿约翰·克里——这位曾在美国参议院任职的人，一位越战老兵，为这个国家提供了卓越服务的人——在解读政治协议的内容方面不知何故不如伊朗最高领袖可信——这表明党派之争已经跨越了所有界限。我们一次又一次地看到这种情况。
We saw it with the letter by the 47 senators who communicated directly to the Supreme Leader of Iran -- the person that they say can’t be trusted at all -- warning him not to trust the United States government. 我们看到47名参议员写信，直接致函伊朗最高领袖——那个他们说完全不可信任的人——警告他不要信任美国政府。
We have Mitch McConnell trying to tell the world, oh, don’t have confidence in the U.S. government’s abilities to fulfill any climate change pledge that we might make. And now we have a senator suggesting that our Secretary of State is purposely misinterpreting the deal and giving the Supreme Leader of Iran the benefit of the doubt in the interpretations. 米奇·麦康奈尔试图告诉全世界，哦，不要对美国政府履行我们可能做出的任何气候变化承诺的能力抱有信心。而现在我们又有一位参议员暗示，我们的国务卿故意曲解协议，在解读上偏袒伊朗最高领袖。
That’s not how we’re supposed to run foreign policy, regardless of who’s President or Secretary of State. We can have arguments, and there are legitimate arguments to be had. I understand why people might be mistrustful of Iran. I understand why people might oppose the deal -- although the reason is not because this is a bad deal per se, but they just don’t trust any deal with Iran, and may prefer to take a military approach to it. 这不是我们制定外交政策应有的方式，无论谁担任总统或国务卿。我们可以有争论，而且确实有合理的争论。我理解为什么人们可能不信任伊朗。我理解为什么人们可能反对该协议——尽管原因不是因为这本身是一个糟糕的协议，而是因为他们不相信与伊朗的任何协议，并且可能更愿意采取军事手段。
But when you start getting to the point where you are actively communicating that the United States government and our Secretary of State is somehow spinning presentations in a negotiation with a foreign power, particularly one that you say is your enemy, that’s a problem. It needs to stop. 但当你开始积极传播这样一种观点——即美国政府和我们的国务卿在与外国势力的谈判中不知何故在歪曲陈述，特别是那个你说是敌人的国家——这就成问题了。这种情况需要停止。
Jim Acosta. Oh, I’m sorry -- where’s Jim? 吉姆·阿科斯塔。哦，对不起——吉姆在哪里？
Question: Right here. 问：我在这儿。
President Obama: There you are. 奥巴马总统：你在那儿啊。
Question: Thank you very much, Mr. President. I was wondering if you were struck by Raul Castro’s warm words for you today. He said he admired you; said he had read some of your autobiographies; described you as an honest man. I’m just curious what you thought about that. And do you feel that Raul Castro is an honest man and can be trusted? 问：非常感谢您，总统先生。我想知道，劳尔·卡斯特罗今天对您的热情赞扬是否让您印象深刻。他说他钦佩您；说他读过您的一些自传；形容您是一个诚实的人。我只是好奇您对此有何看法。您觉得劳尔·卡斯特罗是一个诚实可信的人吗？
And I would be remiss if I didn’t ask you about another Secretary of State -- Hillary Clinton -- who is expected to announce her campaign for the presidency tomorrow. Do you foresee being involved in her campaign? And do you hope that she runs on your record? Thank you very much. 如果我不问您关于另一位国务卿——希拉里·克林顿——的问题，那就是我的失职了。预计她明天将宣布参选总统。您打算参与她的竞选活动吗？您希望她以您的政绩作为竞选纲领吗？非常感谢。
President Obama: It was a candid and fruitful conversation between me and Raul Castro. I can tell you that, in the conversations I’ve had so far with him -- two on the phone and, most recently, face-to-face -- that we are able to speak honestly about our differences and our concerns in ways that I think offer the possibility of moving the relationship between our two countries in a different and better direction. 奥巴马总统：我和劳尔·卡斯特罗的会谈是坦诚而富有成效的。我可以告诉你，在迄今为止与他的交谈中——两次电话交谈，以及最近的面对面会谈——我们能够坦诚地谈论我们的分歧和关切，我认为这种方式为两国关系朝着不同的、更好的方向发展提供了可能。
We have very different views of how society should be organized. And I was very direct with him that we are not going to stop talking about issues like democracy and human rights and freedom of assembly and freedom of the press -- not because we think we are perfect and that every country has to mimic us exactly, but because there are a set of universal principles for which we stand. 我们对社会应如何组织有着截然不同的看法。我对他非常直接地表示，我们不会停止谈论民主、人权、集会自由和新闻自由等问题——不是因为我们认为自己完美，每个国家都必须完全模仿我们，而是因为我们代表着一套普世原则。
And one of the goals of my administration is to have some consistency in speaking out on behalf of those who oftentimes don’t have a voice. And I think during his speech in the plenary session, he was pretty clear about areas of U.S. policy he doesn’t like, and I suspect he’s going to continue to speak out on those. 我政府的目标之一，就是始终如一地为那些往往没有话语权的人发声。我认为在他的全体会议演讲中，他相当清楚地表明了他不喜欢美国政策的哪些方面，我猜他会继续就这些问题发表意见。
What’s been clear from this entire summit, though, is the unanimity with which, regardless of their ideological predispositions, the leaders of Latin America think this is the right thing to do. Because what they see is the possibility of a more constructive dialogue that ultimately benefits the Cuban people, and removes what too often has been a distraction or an excuse from the hemisphere acting on important challenges that we face. 不过，从整个峰会来看，显而易见的一点是，无论意识形态倾向如何，拉丁美洲领导人都一致认为这是正确的做法。因为他们看到的是更具建设性的对话的可能性，这最终将造福古巴人民，并消除那些常常使本半球无法应对我们面临的重要挑战的干扰因素或借口。
So I am cautiously optimistic that over the coming months and coming years that the process that we’ve initiated, first announced in December, reaffirmed here at the Summit of the Americas, will lead to a different future for the Cuban people and a different relationship between the United States and Cuba. 因此，我持谨慎乐观的态度，认为在未来数月乃至数年里，我们于去年12月首次宣布、并在本次美洲峰会上再次确认的进程，将为古巴人民带来不同的未来，也将为美古关系带来不同的未来。
With respect to Hillary Clinton, I’ll make my comments very brief. She was a formidable candidate in 2008. She was a great supporter of mine in the general election. She was an outstanding Secretary of State. She is my friend. I think she would be an excellent President. And I’m not on the ballot. So I’m not going to step on her lines. When she makes a decision to announce, I’m confident that she will be very clear about her vision for the country moving forward, if she announces. 关于希拉里·克林顿，我会说得非常简短。她在2008年是一位强大的候选人。她在大选中是我的重要支持者。她是一位出色的国务卿。她是我的朋友。我认为她会成为一位优秀的总统。而我不在选票上。所以我不会抢她的风头。当她决定宣布时，我相信她会非常清楚地阐述她对国家未来的愿景，如果她宣布参选的话。
And in terms of her relationship with my administration, she was focused and working on really important foreign policy initiatives. And the one thing I can say is that she’s going to be able to handle herself very well in any conversations or debates around foreign policy. And her track record with respect to domestic policy is I think one that cares about working families. If she decides to run and she makes an announcement, she’s going to have some strong messages to deliver. 至于她与我政府的关系，她专注于并致力于真正重要的外交政策倡议。我可以说的一点是，在任何外交政策对话或辩论中，她都能游刃有余。我认为她在国内政策方面的记录表明她关心工薪家庭。如果她决定参选并正式宣布，她将传递出一些强有力的信息。
Jim Avila. 吉姆·阿维拉。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. First of all, on Cuba, if I could, two questions. The Cuban government has frequently said that it cannot allow more political or personal freedoms, or press freedoms, because the United States has used both covert and otherwise actions to try to overthrow the Castros. Does your new era, in fact, end regime-change efforts by the United States? And should the Cubans then respond by allowing free elections and tolerance of dissent now because of the changed policy? 问：谢谢总统先生。首先，关于古巴，我想问两个问题。古巴政府经常说，它不能允许更多的政治或个人自由，或新闻自由，因为美国曾使用秘密和其他手段试图推翻卡斯特罗政权。您的新时代是否真的结束了美国的政权更迭努力？古巴人是否应该因此通过允许自由选举和容忍异见来回应？
And secondly, on the issue of Hillary Clinton, Vice President Biden, of course, said that the Democratic race is wide open. The polls seem to say otherwise. What is your opinion on that? Is the race still wide open? 其次，关于希拉里·克林顿的问题，副总统拜登当然说过民主党提名的竞争是开放的。但民调似乎另有说法。您对此有何看法？竞争仍然开放吗？
President Obama: Not only have I run my last election, but I am not in the business of prognosticating future elections. That is your job. (Laughter.) And there’s no shortage of people who are happy to opine on that. I will not be one of them. 奥巴马总统：我不仅已经跑完了我最后一次选举，而且我也不做未来选举的预测。那是你们的工作。（笑声）而且不缺乐于对此发表意见的人。我不会成为其中之一。
On Cuba, we are not in the business of regime change. We are in the business of making sure the Cuban people have freedom and the ability to participate and shape their own destiny and their own lives, and supporting civil society. 关于古巴，我们不搞政权更迭。我们致力于确保古巴人民拥有自由，以及参与和塑造自己命运与生活的能力，并支持公民社会。
And there’s going to be an evolution, regardless of what we do, inside of Cuba. Partly it's going to be generational. If you listened to President Castro’s comments earlier this morning, a lot of the points he made referenced actions that took place before I was born, and part of my message here is the Cold War is over. There’s still a whole lot of challenges that we face and a lot of issues around the world, and we're still going to have serious issues with Cuba on not just the Cuban government’s approach to its own people, but also regional issues and concerns. 无论我们做什么，古巴内部都会发生演变。部分原因是代际变化。如果你听了卡斯特罗总统今天上午早些时候的讲话，他提出的很多观点都涉及在我出生之前发生的事情，而我在这里传达的信息之一是冷战已经结束。我们仍然面临着很多挑战，世界上还有很多问题，我们与古巴之间仍然会有严重的分歧——不仅是古巴政府对待本国人民的方式，还有地区性问题和关切。
There are going to be areas where we cooperate as well. Cuban doctors deployed during the Ebola crisis made a difference; Cuban activity in Haiti in the wake of the earthquake made a difference. And so there may be areas of collaboration as well. 也会有我们合作的领域。古巴医生在埃博拉危机期间的部署发挥了作用；古巴在海地地震后的活动也发挥了作用。所以也可能有合作的领域。
What I said to President Castro is the same thing that I've said to leaders throughout the region. We have a point of view and we won't be shy about expressing it. But I'm confident that the way to lift up the values that we care about is through persuasion. And that's going to be the primary approach that we take on a whole host of these issues -- primarily because they don't implicate our national security in a direct way. 我对卡斯特罗总统说的话，与我对本地区所有领导人说的一样。我们有自己的观点，我们不会羞于表达。但我相信，提升我们所珍视的价值观的途径是通过说服。这将是我们在这一系列问题上采取的主要方法——主要是因为它们不直接涉及我们的国家安全。
And I think that we have to be very clear if Cuba is not a threat to the United States. That doesn’t mean we don't have differences with it. 而且我认为我们必须非常清楚，古巴不对美国构成威胁。这并不意味着我们与它没有分歧。
But on the list of threats that I'm concerned about, I think it's fair to say that between ISIL and Iran getting a nuclear weapon, and activities in Yemen and Libya, and Boko Haram, Russian aggression in Ukraine and the impact on our allies there -- I could go down a pretty long list -- climate change -- so I think our approach has to be one of trying to work with the region and other countries, and be very clear about what we believe and what we stand for, and what we think works and what doesn’t. 但在我所关注的威胁清单上，可以公平地说，从ISIL到伊朗获得核武器，再到也门和利比亚的局势，以及博科圣地、俄罗斯在乌克兰的侵略及其对我们盟友的影响——我可以列一个很长的清单——还有气候变化——所以我认为我们的方式必须是努力与本地区和其他国家合作，非常清楚地表明我们的信仰和立场，以及我们认为什么有效、什么无效。
And so often, when we insert ourselves in ways that go beyond persuasion, it's counterproductive. It backfires. That's been part of our history -- which is why countries keep on trying to use us as an excuse for their own governance failures. Let’s take away the excuse. And let’s be clear that we're prepared to partner and engage with everybody to try to lift up opportunity and prosperity and security for people in the region. 很多时候，当我们以超越说服的方式介入时，结果会适得其反。会事与愿违。这一直是我们历史的一部分——这就是为什么各国不断试图把我们当作它们自身治理失败的借口。让我们拿走这个借口。让我们明确表示，我们准备与每一个国家合作和接触，努力为该地区人民提升机遇、繁荣和安全。
Major Garrett. 梅杰·加勒特。
Question: Good afternoon, Mr. President. Allow me, if you will, to correct -- to quote the Supreme Leader directly. 问：下午好，总统先生。如果可以的话，请允许我纠正——直接引用最高领袖的话。
President Obama: Yes. 奥巴马总统：好的。
Question: The United States activity since the announcement of the framework has been deceptive, it is lying, it is devilish. And on two particular points, he said -- direct quotes -- “Iran’s military sites cannot be inspected under the excuse of nuclear supervision,” and “all sanctions should be removed when the deal is signed.” 问：美国在框架宣布后的活动一直是欺骗性的，是谎言，是邪恶的。关于两个具体的点，他说——直接引语——"伊朗的军事设施不能以核监督为借口接受检查"，以及"所有制裁应在协议签署时立即解除"。
Is it your opinion, Mr. President, that this is pure posturing and it should be disregarded by your government and by you and your Secretary of State? And if so, could you help me understand to whom the Supreme Leader would be posturing? Because under my limited understanding of Iranian politics, that's not a job description usually applied to the Supreme Leader. 总统先生，您认为这纯粹是故作姿态，应该被您的政府、您和您的国务卿忽视吗？如果是这样，您能帮我理解一下最高领袖是在对谁故作姿态吗？因为根据我对伊朗政治的有限理解，这通常不是最高领袖的做派。
President Obama: That was a well-crafted question, Major. And let me just suggest that even a guy with the title “Supreme Leader” has to be concerned about his own constituencies. And the issue is not whether I have to take his word for whether that's his understanding -- because we've got work until the end of June to see if we've got a document that works. 奥巴马总统：这个问题提得很好，梅杰。让我只是说，即使是拥有"最高领袖"头衔的人也必须关心他自己的选民。问题不在于我是否必须相信他的话就是他的理解——因为我们还有到6月底的时间来看看我们能否达成一份可行的文件。
And if that is his understanding and his position, in ways that can't be squared with our concern about being able to embark on vigorous inspections to assure that Iran isn't cheating under any program, and that we don't have the capacity to snap back sanctions when we see a potential violation, then we're probably not going to get a deal. 如果那确实是他的理解和立场，以至于无法与我们的关切相契合——我们关切的是能够开展有力的核查，确保伊朗没有在任何项目中作弊，以及当我们发现潜在违规时我们没有恢复制裁的能力——那么我们可能就不会达成协议。
So part of the concern that I have in this debate here, Major, is I don't understand why it is that everybody is working so hard to anticipate failure. The opponents of the deal don't seem to be focused on how do we get to a good deal as much as they’re focused on how can we show that it's not possible to get a good deal. And my simple point is let’s wait and see what the deal is, and we'll be able to look. And if, in fact, we're not satisfied that it cuts off the pathways for Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon, then we won't sign it. 所以梅杰，我在这场辩论中的部分担忧是，我不明白为什么每个人都如此努力地预测失败。协议的反对者似乎并不关注我们如何达成一项好协议，而是关注我们如何证明达成好协议是不可能的。我的观点很简单：让我们等着看协议是什么样的，到时候我们就能审视了。如果事实上我们不满意它切断了伊朗获取核武器的途径，那么我们就不会签署。
If, on the other hand, it does, then I will strongly argue, and I believe the American people will support and the international community will support, that it’s far preferable to the other alternatives. 另一方面，如果它确实做到了，那么我将强烈主张，而且我相信美国人民和国际社会都会支持，这远比其他替代方案更可取。
Now, Major, it's not going to be perfect, in the sense that if you asked Prime Minister Netanyahu or some members of the Republican caucus, or even some Democrats. If you ask me, would I prefer that Iran never had, never did have, will never have even a single nut, bolt, anything related to nuclear power, don't have any nuclear scientists, don't have any capacity to develop it, that would be great. But that's not possible. That's not achievable. That's not achievable through sanctions; it's not achievable through military means. 现在，梅杰，它不会是完美的——我的意思是，如果你问内塔尼亚胡总理或共和党党团的一些成员，甚至一些民主党人。如果你问我，我是不是更希望伊朗从来没有、从来没有过、永远不会有哪怕一个与核动力相关的螺母、螺栓什么的，不要有任何核科学家，不要有任何发展能力，那当然很好。但那是不可能的。那是无法实现的。通过制裁无法实现；通过军事手段也无法实现。
They’re going to have some form of peaceful nuclear power, and that will then pose a challenge for the international community, which is why the political agreement calls for unprecedented framework of inspections that allows us to assure that it’s not being used or diverted in ways that could be weaponized. 他们将拥有某种形式的和平核动力，而这将对国际社会构成挑战，这就是为什么政治协议要求建立前所未有的核查框架，使我们能够确保它不会被用于或转用于可能武器化的目的。
But we’re going to have to see whether or not we can get a deal or not. My only question is why we keep on trying to short-circuit the actual negotiations. Nobody is -- we’re not disarming. We’re not getting rid of our nuclear weapons. We’re not getting rid of our Navy. We’re not giving anything up. We are simply waiting to see what it is that the negotiators come up with. And if, in fact, we are able to come up with something that works, then we’ll know. 但我们将不得不看看我们是否能达成协议。我唯一的疑问是，为什么我们一直试图打断实际的谈判进程。没有人——我们没有解除武装。我们没有摆脱我们的核武器。我们没有裁减我们的海军。我们没有放弃任何东西。我们只是在等着看谈判者们能拿出什么。如果事实上我们能够拿出可行的方案，我们就会知道。
And with respect to the Supreme Leader, yes, it’s a pretty important title. It seems a little more clear-cut than President. On the other hand, there may be ways of structuring a final deal that satisfy their pride, their optics, their politics, but meet our core practical objectives. And that’s what we’ve got to give the negotiators room to determine. 关于最高领袖，是的，这是一个相当重要的头衔。听起来比总统更干脆。但另一方面，也许有一些构建最终协议的方式，既能满足他们的自豪感、表面文章和政治需要，又能实现我们的核心实际目标。这就是我们必须给谈判者空间去确定的事情。
Last question. Karen DeYoung. Where’s Karen? There she is. 最后一个问题。凯伦·德扬。凯伦在哪里？在那儿。
Question: Thank you. Just to belabor the point on that question, Mr. President, your people have said that the framework agreement, that what’s in it stands, that they are not renegotiable points, although the implementation of them can be renegotiated in some way. And I wonder how, within that framework that’s already been agreed, how we can come up with something that satisfies the kinds of concerns that he raised -- no inspection of military sites, immediate lifting of all sanctions the day that the thing is signed. 问：谢谢。总统先生，就那个问题再啰嗦一下，您的团队说框架协议中的内容是既定的，它们不是可以重新谈判的点，尽管实施方式可以在某种程度上重新谈判。我想知道，在已经达成的框架内，我们怎么能提出满足他提出的那些关切的方案——不检查军事设施，协议签署当天立即解除所有制裁。
And also on Cuba, I wanted to ask, as you discussed the State Sponsor of Terrorism list with President Castro, the Cubans have raised some issues about the 45-day waiting period. I wondered if that came up. I know that your government is eager, assuming that the recommendation is approved -- is to remove it and is approved by you -- that we move ahead quickly with embassies. The Cubans have raised concerns about that 45 days and how something could go wrong in those 45 days. 还有关于古巴，我想问，当您与卡斯特罗总统讨论支持恐怖主义国家名单时，古巴人对45天的等待期提出了一些问题。我想知道这个问题是否被提起过。我知道贵国政府急于——假设建议获得批准——即移除并得到您的批准——我们将迅速推进大使馆的设立。古巴人对那45天以及在这45天里可能出问题表示担忧。
And it really doesn’t give them access to the kinds of things they think they can have once they’re -- if and when they’re removed from the list. Did that come up? And is it your belief that once they’re removed from the list, then there is no impediment to go ahead with opening embassies, once you approve their removal from the list? 而且这确实让他们无法获得那些他们认为一旦——如果以及当他们被从名单上移除时——他们可以拥有的东西。这个问题被提起了吗？您是否认为，一旦他们被从名单上移除，那么在您批准移除之后，开设大使馆就没有任何障碍了？
President Obama: Okay. So I’ll make one last run at Iran here. There’s a political framework, the outlines of which were established between Iran and the P5+1. In some cases, there was great specificity around, for example, the reductions that need to take place in the number of centrifuges in Natanz, or the conversion of Fordow into a facility that does not permit the potential production of weapons-grade uranium. And in other cases, there were -- there was language of intent, but the details matter. And how those details are interpreted are going to be subject to negotiation. 奥巴马总统：好的。那我就伊朗问题最后再谈一次。有一个政治框架，其大纲是伊朗与P5+1之间确定的。在某些情况下，有非常具体的规定，例如纳坦兹离心机数量需要减少，或者将福尔多设施改造为一个不允许生产武器级铀潜力的设施。而在其他情况下，只有意向性的表述，但细节很重要。这些细节如何解读将取决于谈判。
So it’s not accurate to suggest that -- and I don’t think my team has ever suggested that somehow everything is all done and it’s just a matter of writing it up. This is a situation in which we have a framework that is, if implemented, powerful, and will achieve our goal of making sure that Iran doesn’t have a nuclear weapon. But the details make a big difference, how they’re structured. And I guarantee you there will be some tough negotiations around that. 所以说一切都已经完成，只是写下来的问题，这是不准确的——而且我认为我的团队从来没有这样说过。情况是，我们有一个框架，如果得到实施，它将是强有力的，将实现我们确保伊朗不拥有核武器的目标。但细节至关重要，它们如何构建会产生很大影响。我向你保证，围绕这一点将会有一些艰难的谈判。
And that’s what I said the first day when we announced that we had an agreement, and that’s what we’ve continued to say. So there’s really no contradiction here. And keep in mind that when we started this process off, even with the interim agreement, when we signed the JPOA way back at the beginning of this whole thing, there was a similar back-and-forth in terms of interpretation of how this was going to be implemented. And the Iranians were saying that’s not true, and we were saying this. 这就是我们宣布达成协议的第一天所说的，也是我们一直以来所说的。所以这里真的没有矛盾。请记住，当我们启动这个进程时，即使是临时协议，当我们在整个进程一开始签署联合行动计划时，在如何实施方面也有过类似的来回争论。伊朗人说不是这样，我们说是这样。
But once we actually got through negotiations, it turned out that we had something that was substantial, that was subject to review by everybody involved, and that has proven to be highly effective, even by the assessments of critics of the policy like the Israelis. They’ve said, yes, this actually has worked, Iran has abided by the agreement. In fact, now they’re suggesting, why don’t we just stay here, it’s worked so well -- despite the fact that they had made almost the precise same argument they’re making now about the final deal. But consistency is the hobgoblin of narrow minds. 但一旦我们真正完成谈判，结果是我们达成了一项实质性的协议，接受所有相关方的审查，而且事实证明它非常有效——即使是以色列等该政策批评者的评估也承认了这一点。他们说，是的，这确实奏效了，伊朗遵守了协议。事实上，现在他们建议，我们就维持现状吧，这已经很有效了——尽管他们当初对最终协议提出的论点几乎和现在一模一样。但一致性是狭隘心灵的妖怪。
Cuba. I will tell you, we did not get into the level of detail, Karen, that you just described. And I’m impressed with how many details you seem to be aware of. As I said before, the State Sponsor of Terrorism recommendation will be coming to me. I will read it; I’ll review it. There’s a process whereby if, in fact, I accept those recommendations, Congress has an opportunity to review it, as well, and it will be there for people to see. 古巴问题。凯伦，我要告诉你，我们没有谈到你刚才描述的那种细节程度。你似乎了解这么多细节，我印象深刻。正如我之前所说，支持恐怖主义国家的建议将提交给我。我会阅读它；我会审查它。有一个程序，如果我接受这些建议，国会也有机会审查它，而且会公之于众。
I think that the concerns around the embassy are going to be mostly on the Cuban side. They haven’t dealt with an American embassy in Cuba in quite some time. And changing in this way is, I’m sure, an unsettling process. We’re accustomed to this. I mean, we’ve gone through now a number of times where, with China and with Vietnam and other countries, we reopened diplomatic relations, and we understand I think, are familiar with how that gets done in a way that’s consistent with improving diplomatic relations over the long term. This is probably a more profound shift for them than it is for us. 我认为围绕大使馆的担忧主要在古巴方面。他们已经很久没有与美国大使馆打交道了。我相信，以这种方式改变是一个令人不安的过程。我们对此习以为常。我的意思是，我们已经经历过很多次了——与中国、与越南以及其他国家，我们恢复了外交关系，我们理解并且熟悉如何以符合长期改善外交关系的方式来做这件事。这对他们来说可能比对我们来说是一个更深刻的转变。
But we stand ready to move forward. We’re confident that it can lead to an improved dialogue. And our bottom line at the end is, is that it can lead to an improved set of prospects for the Cuban people. 但我们随时准备向前推进。我们有信心这可以带来改善的对话。我们最终的底线是，这可以为古巴人民带来更好的前景。
And I’ll say just in closing, to all the people here from Latin American countries, thank you for this extraordinary opportunity. I want to thank the people of Panama. I am very optimistic about this region, and the main reason I’m optimistic about this region is because of its people. They are extraordinary. And it is a great gift to the United States to be able to have such strong friends and partners in tackling many of the challenges that we have in common. 最后，我想对所有来自拉丁美洲国家的人们说，感谢你们提供这个非凡的机会。我要感谢巴拿马人民。我对这个地区非常乐观，我乐观的主要原因是它的人民。他们是非凡的。能够拥有如此强大的朋友和伙伴来共同应对我们面临的许多共同挑战，这是美国的一大幸事。
Thank you very much. 非常感谢大家。
