Good evening, everybody. Once again, I want to thank the government and the people of Poland for hosting this NATO Summit. And I especially want to thank the people of Warsaw for their wonderful hospitality. It is my third visit to Poland. Each time, we have been received with tremendous friendship, and it signifies the close bonds between our two countries. 大家晚上好。我再次感谢波兰政府和人民主办本次北约峰会。我尤其要感谢华沙人民的盛情款待。这是我第三次访问波兰。每次到访，我们都感受到了深厚的友谊，这体现了我们两国之间的紧密联系。
I want to begin this press conference with events back home. This has been a tough week -- first and foremost, for the families who have been killed, but also for the entire American family. In my call yesterday to Attorney General Loretta Lynch, I stressed that the Justice Department and our federal government should continue to do everything that we can to assist the investigation in Dallas, and to support the police and the city of Dallas as they deal with this tragedy. 在本次记者会开始之际，我想先谈谈国内的情况。这是艰难的一周——首先对于遇难者家属而言是如此，对整个美国大家庭来说也是如此。昨天我与司法部长洛蕾塔·林奇通话时，我强调司法部和联邦政府应继续尽一切努力协助达拉斯的调查工作，并在达拉斯警方和市政府应对这场悲剧之际给予支持。
In my call to Chief Brown, I commended him for showing outstanding leadership during an extremely challenging time, and asked him to convey to all the officers and their families how the American people are grieving with them and that we stand with them. 我在与布朗局长通话时，赞扬他在极具挑战性的时刻展现出杰出的领导力，并请他向所有警员及其家属转达，美国人民正与他们一同悲痛，我们与他们站在一起。
I'll have the opportunity to convey our condolences and show our solidarity when I visit Dallas in a few days. But before I do, let me just make some very brief points. First of all, as painful as this week has been, I firmly believe that America is not as divided as some have suggested. Americans of all races and all backgrounds are rightly outraged by the inexcusable attacks on police, whether it's in Dallas or anyplace else. 几天后我将访问达拉斯，届时我会亲自表达慰问、展现我们的支持。但在此之前，请允许我简要说明几点。首先，尽管本周令人痛心，我坚信美国并不像一些人所说的那样分裂。所有种族、所有背景的美国人都对达拉斯及其他任何地方发生的不可原谅的袭警事件感到义愤，这是理所当然的。
That includes protestors. It includes family members who have grave concerns about police conduct, and they have said that this is unacceptable. There's no division there. And Americans of all races and all backgrounds are also rightly saddened and angered about the deaths of Alton Sterling and Philando Castile, and about the larger, persistent problem of African Americans and Latinos being treated differently in our criminal justice system. 这其中包括抗议者。也包括对警方执法行为深感担忧的家属，他们也表示这种行为是不可接受的。在这一点上没有分歧。所有种族、所有背景的美国人也都为奥尔顿·斯特林和菲兰多·卡斯蒂尔的死，以及非裔美国人和拉美裔在我们刑事司法系统中遭受差别对待这一更广泛、更持久的问题感到悲伤和愤怒，这是合情合理的。
So there is sorrow, there is anger, there is confusion about next steps. But there's unity in recognizing that this is not how we want our communities to operate. This is not who we want to be as Americans. And that serves as the basis for us being able to move forward in a constructive and positive way. 因此，我们有悲伤，有愤怒，有对下一步的困惑。但我们也有共识，那就是我们的社区不应是这个样子。这不是我们作为美国人应有的面貌。而这一共识，正是我们能够以建设性、积极的方式向前迈进的基础。
So we cannot let the actions of a few define all of us. The demented individual who carried out those attacks in Dallas, he's no more representative of African Americans than the shooter in Charleston was representative of white Americans, or the shooter in Orlando or San Bernardino were representative of Muslim Americans. They don't speak for us. That's not who we are. 所以我们不能让少数人的行为定义我们所有人。在达拉斯实施袭击的那个丧心病狂的家伙，他不代表非裔美国人，正如查尔斯顿的枪手不代表白人美国人，奥兰多或圣贝纳迪诺的枪手也不代表穆斯林美国人一样。他们不能代表我们。那不是我们的本色。
And one of the things that gives me hope this week is actually seeing how the overwhelming majority of Americans have reacted -- with empathy and understanding. We've seen police continue to reach out to communities that they serve all across the country, and show incredible professionalism as they're protecting protestors. 本周给我希望的一件事，就是亲眼看到绝大多数美国人的反应——充满同理心和理解。我们看到全国各地的警察继续主动接触他们所服务的社区，在保护抗议者的过程中展现出令人赞叹的专业精神。
We've seen activists and grassroots groups who have expressed concern about police shootings, but are also adamant in their support of the Dallas Police Department -- which is particularly appropriate because the Dallas Police Department is a great example of a department that has taken the issue of police shootings seriously and has engaged in an approach that has not only brought down their murder rates but also drastically reduced complaints around police misconduct. 我们看到活动人士和基层组织虽然对警察枪击事件表示担忧，但也坚定地支持达拉斯警察局——这一点尤为恰当，因为达拉斯警察局就是一个很好的典范，它认真对待警察枪击问题，采取的方法不仅降低了谋杀率，还大幅减少了关于警察不当行为的投诉。
That's the spirit that we all need to embrace. That's the spirit that I want to build on. It's one of the reasons why next week, using the task force that we had set up after Ferguson, but also building on it, and inviting both police and law enforcement and community activists and civil rights leaders, bringing them together to the White House. I want to start moving on constructive actions that are actually going to make a difference, because that is what all Americans want. 这才是我们所有人都需要秉持的精神。这也是我希望发扬光大的精神。这也是为什么下周，利用我们在弗格森事件后设立的专案组，并在此基础上更进一步，邀请警方、执法部门、社区活动人士以及民权领袖齐聚白宫。我希望开始推进一些真正能带来改变的建设性行动，因为这是所有美国人的共同愿望。
So when we start suggesting that somehow there's this enormous polarization, and we're back to the situation in the '60s -- that's just not true. You're not seeing riots, and you're not seeing police going after people who are protesting peacefully. You've seen almost uniformly peaceful protests. And you've seen uniformly police handling those protests with professionalism. 所以当有人开始暗示美国存在巨大的两极分化、我们又回到了60年代的局面时——这根本不是事实。你看不到骚乱，也看不到警察去追捕和平抗议的人们。你看到的几乎全是和平抗议。你看到的始终是警方以专业精神处理这些抗议活动。
And so, as tough, as hard, as depressing as the loss of life was this week, we've got a foundation to build on. We just have to have to confidence that we can build on those better angels of our nature. And we have to make sure that all of us step back, do some reflection, and make sure that the rhetoric that we engage in is constructive, and not destructive; that we're not painting anybody with an overly broad brush; that we're not constantly thinking the worst in other people rather than the best. If we do that, then I'm confident that we will continue to make progress. 因此，尽管本周失去生命的事件令人如此痛心、如此沉重、如此令人沮丧，但我们有可以依靠的基础。我们只需要有信心，相信我们能够从人性中那些更美好的天使身上汲取力量。我们必须确保所有人都退一步、进行反思，确保我们所用的言辞具有建设性而非破坏性；确保我们不过度以偏概全地评判任何人；确保我们不总是把别人往最坏处想，而是往最好处想。如果我们能做到这一点，我相信我们会继续取得进步。
Now, here in Europe, this is a pivotal moment for our Alliance. In the nearly 70 years of NATO, perhaps never have we faced such a range of challenges all at once -- security, humanitarian, political. NATO nations -- the United States, Canada, France, Belgium, and Turkey -- have endured heinous terrorist attacks directed or inspired by ISIL. Russia has violated the sovereignty and territorial integrity of an independent European nation -- Ukraine -- and engaged in provocative behavior toward NATO allies. 现在在欧洲，这是我们联盟的一个关键时刻。在北约成立近70年的历程中，我们或许从未同时面临如此众多的挑战——安全、人道、政治方面的挑战。北约国家——美国、加拿大、法国、比利时和土耳其——都遭受了由ISIL策划或煽动的恐怖袭击。俄罗斯践踏了一个独立的欧洲国家乌克兰的主权和领土完整，并对北约盟国采取挑衅行为。
European borders and economies have been tested by millions of migrants fleeing conflicts and depravation. And the vote in the United Kingdom to leave the EU has raised questions about the future of European integration. 欧洲的边境和经济经受了数百万逃离冲突与贫困的移民带来的考验。而英国公投脱欧也给欧洲一体化的未来带来了疑问。
In this challenging moment, I want to take this opportunity to state clearly what will never change -- and that is the unwavering commitment of the United States to the security and defense of Europe, to our transatlantic relationship, to our commitment to our common defense. 在这个充满挑战的时刻，我想借此机会明确指出什么是永远不会改变的——那就是美国对欧洲安全与防务、对我们的跨大西洋关系、对我们共同防御承诺的坚定支持。
And next year will mark the 100th anniversary of the first American troops arriving on European soil in the first world war. And ever since, through two world wars, a long Cold War, and the decades since, generations of Americans have served here for our common security. In quiet cemeteries, from France to the Netherlands to Italy, Americans still rest where they fell. Even now, more than 60,000 American military personnel serve in dozens of European countries. 明年将是第一批美军在一战中踏上欧洲土地的100周年。从那时起，历经两次世界大战、漫长的冷战以及此后的数十年，一代又一代的美国人为了我们的共同安全在这里服役。在从法国到荷兰再到意大利的静谧公墓中，美国人仍长眠于他们倒下的地方。即便是现在，仍有超过6万名美国军事人员在数十个欧洲国家服役。
And my point is this: In good times and in bad, Europe can count on the United States -- always. 我的观点是：无论顺境逆境，欧洲都可以信赖美国——永远信赖。
Here in Warsaw, we haven’t simply reaffirmed our enduring Article 5 obligations to our common security; we’re moving forward with the most significant reinforcement of our collective defense any time since the Cold War. First, we’re strengthening NATO’s defense and deterrence posture. Building on our European Reassurance Initiative -- which has already increased readiness, from the Baltics to the Black Sea -- our Alliance will enhance our forward presence on our eastern flank. 在华沙，我们不仅重申了我们对共同安全的持久第五条义务；我们还在推进冷战以来对集体防御最重要的一次强化。首先，我们正在加强北约的防御和威慑态势。在我们的欧洲再保证倡议的基础上——该倡议已经提高了从波罗的海到黑海的战备水平——我们的联盟将增强在东翼的前沿存在。
As I announced yesterday, the United States will be the lead nation here in Poland, deploying a battalion of American soldiers. The United Kingdom will take the lead in Estonia, Germany in Lithuania, and Canada in Latvia. This will mean some 4,000 additional NATO troops, on a rotational basis, in this region. Moreover, the additional U.S. Armored Brigade will rotate through Europe, including an additional 4,000 U.S. troops. Meanwhile, to the south, we agreed on new deterrence measures in Romania and Bulgaria. So NATO is sending a clear message that we will defend every ally. 正如我昨天宣布的，美国将作为波兰的主导国家，在这里部署一个营的美军士兵。英国将在爱沙尼亚担任主导，德国在立陶宛，加拿大在拉脱维亚。这将意味着约4000名额外的北约部队以轮训方式部署在该地区。此外，新增的美国装甲旅将在欧洲轮训，包括额外的4000名美军。同时，在南部，我们就罗马尼亚和保加利亚的新威慑措施达成了一致。因此，北约正在发出一个明确的信息：我们将保卫每一个盟友。
We’re also strengthening the readiness of our forces against a range of threats. So NATO’s joint task force is now operational and can deploy anywhere in Europe on short notice. With recent progress here in Poland, Romania and Spain, NATO's ballistic missile defense is coming online. And we're launching a new effort to boost the resilience of allies to better defend against new types of threats, including cyberattacks. 我们还在加强部队应对各种威胁的战备能力。北约的联合特遣部队现已投入运作，可以在短时间内部署到欧洲任何地方。随着波兰、罗马尼亚和西班牙近期取得的进展，北约的弹道导弹防御系统正在投入使用。我们还启动了一项新的工作，以增强盟友的韧性，更好地防御新型威胁，包括网络攻击。
NATO is increasing our support to Ukraine. At our meeting of the NATO-Ukraine Commission, we agreed on a new assistance package to improve Alliance support for Ukrainian forces. Prime Minister Cameron, President Hollande, Chancellor Merkel, Prime Minister Renzi and I met with President Poroshenko, and we reaffirmed our strong support for Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity, as well as the need to continue political and economic reforms. 北约正在加大对乌克兰的支持。在北约-乌克兰委员会会议上，我们就新的一揽子援助达成一致，以加强联盟对乌克兰军队的支持。卡梅伦首相、奥朗德总统、默克尔总理、伦齐总理和我与波罗申科总统举行了会晤，我们重申了对乌克兰主权和领土完整的坚定支持，以及继续推进政治和经济改革的必要性。
[Applause heard from another room.] ［隔壁房间传来掌声。］
Thank you. I'm already getting applause. I'm not even finished yet. 谢谢。我已经开始收到掌声了。我还没讲完呢。
And even as the NATO-Russia Council will meet in Brussels next week, our 28 nations are united in our view that there can be no business as usual with Russia until it fully implements its Minsk obligations. 尽管北约-俄罗斯理事会下周将在布鲁塞尔举行会议，但我们28个成员国一致认为，在俄罗斯全面履行明斯克协议义务之前，与俄罗斯的关系不可能恢复正常。
NATO will do more also to fight against terrorist networks. Every ally already contributes to the campaign against ISIL. Now, the Alliance will contribute AWACS aircraft to improve our intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance against ISIL. NATO training of Iraqi security forces, currently run in Jordan, will move to Iraq, where they can be even more effective. And building on my decision to largely maintain the current U.S. troop presence in Afghanistan into next year, 39 nations, including the U.S., have committed more than 12,000 troops to NATO’s training mission. 北约还将加大力度打击恐怖网络。每个盟友都已参与到打击ISIL的行动中。现在，联盟将派出预警机，以加强我们对ISIL的情报、监视和侦察能力。目前在约旦进行的北约伊拉克安全部队培训将移师伊拉克，在那里可以发挥更大的作用。在我决定明年大致维持当前美军在阿富汗驻军规模的基础上，包括美国在内的39个国家已承诺为北约的培训任务提供1.2万多名士兵。
And, in addition, some 30 nations have pledged upwards of $900 million to help sustain Afghan forces -- which is a very strong message of our enduring commitment to Afghanistan. 此外，约有30个国家已承诺提供超过9亿美元，帮助维持阿富汗军队的运转——这是我们对阿富汗持久承诺的一个非常有力的信号。
We’re bolstering our efforts on NATO’s southern flank. The Alliance will increase our support to EU naval operations in the Mediterranean to stop arms traffickers and go after criminals that are exploiting desperate migrants. And we’re going to do more to help partners from North Africa to the Middle East to Georgia strengthen their own defense capacity. 我们正在加强北约南翼的努力。联盟将加大对欧盟地中海海军行动的支持，以制止武器贩运者和追捕那些利用绝望移民的犯罪分子。我们还将做更多工作，帮助从北非到中东再到格鲁吉亚的伙伴国加强自身防务能力。
And, finally, after many years, NATO has stopped the collective decline in defense spending. Over the past two years, most NATO members have halted cuts and begun investing more in defense. And this means defense spending across the Alliance is now scheduled to increase. I especially want to commend our friends in the UK, Poland, Greece, Estonia -- all who, along with the United States, pay their full share of at least 2 percent of GDP for our collective defense. 最后，经过多年，北约终于遏制住了国防开支的集体下滑。过去两年中，大多数北约成员国已停止削减开支并开始增加国防投入。这意味着整个联盟的国防开支目前计划实现增长。我尤其要赞扬我们的英国、波兰、希腊、爱沙尼亚朋友——他们与美国一道，都足额支付了至少占GDP 2%的共同防务份额。
But for those of you doing the math, that means that the majority of allies are still not hitting that 2 percent mark -- an obligation we agreed to in Wales. So we had a very candid conversation about this. There’s a recognition that given the range of threats that we face and the capabilities that we need, everybody has got to step up and everybody has got to do better. 但对于那些在算账的人来说，这意味着大多数盟友仍未达到2%的标准——这是我们在威尔士峰会上达成的一项义务。所以我们就此进行了非常坦率的讨论。大家都认识到，鉴于我们面临的各种威胁和所需的能力，每个国家都必须加紧努力，每个国家都必须做得更好。
So, in closing, I'd just note that this is my final NATO Summit. Throughout my time in office, one of my top foreign policy priorities has been to strengthen our alliances, especially with NATO. And as I reflect on the past eight years -- both the progress and the challenges -- I can say with confidence that we’ve delivered on that promise. The United States has increased our presence here in Europe. NATO is as strong, as nimble, and as ready as ever. 最后，我想指出，这是我最后一次参加北约峰会。在我整个任期内，我最重要的外交政策优先事项之一就是加强我们的联盟，尤其是与北约的联盟。当我回顾过去八年——既有进展也有挑战——我可以自信地说，我们兑现了这一承诺。美国增加了在欧洲的存在。北约一如既往地强大、灵活、随时待命。
And as we see from the presence of Montenegro at this summit, the door to NATO membership remains open to nations that can meet our high standards. 正如我们从黑山出席本次峰会所看到的，北约的大门仍然向那些能够达到我们高标准的国家敞开。
So nobody should ever doubt the resolve of this Alliance to stay united and focused on the future. And just as our nations have stood together over the past hundred years, I know that we’ll stay united and grow even stronger for another hundred more. 所以任何人都不应怀疑这个联盟保持团结、着眼未来的决心。正如我们各国在过去一百年中并肩站在一起一样，我知道我们将继续团结一致，在下一个百年变得更加强大。
With that, let me take some questions. I'm going to start with Kathleen Hennessey of AP. 好了，下面我来回答几个问题。先请美联社的凯瑟琳·亨尼西提问。
Question: Thanks, Mr. President. I wanted to specifically ask about the Dallas shooting and the attacker there. Now that we know more about the man who we believe did those crimes, I'm wondering if you could help us understand how you describe his motives. Do you consider this an act of domestic terrorism? Was this a hate crime? Was this a mentally ill man with a gun? How should Americans understand why that happened? 记者：谢谢总统先生。我想具体询问一下达拉斯枪击案和袭击者的情况。既然我们对这名嫌疑人有了更多了解，我想知道您能否帮我们理解您如何描述他的动机。您认为这是国内恐怖主义行为吗？这是仇恨犯罪吗？还是一个持枪的精神病人？美国人应该如何理解这起事件为何发生？
And then also, on the issue of political division and looking for solutions, there have been some critics who noted that you immediately mentioned your call for gun control soon after the attacks. Do you think that in any way encourages or ensures that people retreat to their corners as they think about this? 另外，关于政治分歧和寻求解决方案的问题，有批评人士指出，袭击发生后您立即提到了控枪呼吁。您认为这在某种程度上是否会助长或导致人们在思考这个问题时退守各自的阵营？
President Obama: First of all, I think it's very hard to untangle the motives of this shooter. As we've seen in a whole range of incidents with mass shooters, they are, by definition, troubled. By definition, if you shoot people who pose no threat to you -- strangers -- you have a troubled mind. What triggers that, what feeds it, what sets it off, I'll leave that to psychologists and people who study these kinds of incidents. 奥巴马总统：首先，我认为很难理清这名枪手的动机。正如我们在一系列大规模枪击事件中看到的那样，这些枪手从定义上来说就是有问题的。从本质上讲，如果你向对你没有威胁的人——陌生人——开枪，你的心智就有问题。是什么触发了它、是什么助长了它、是什么引发了它，这些我留给心理学家和研究这类事件的人去解答。
What I can say is that although he may have used as an excuse his anger about previous incidents -- as has been indicated, at least, in the press, and as Chief Brown I think indicated -- in no way does that represent what the overwhelming majority of Americans think. 我能说的是，尽管他可能把对之前事件的愤怒当作借口——至少据媒体报道以及布朗局长所表示的那样——但这绝不代表绝大多数美国人的想法。
Americans, to a large degree, want to make sure that we have a police force that is supported, because they know our police officers do a really tough, dangerous job. And witness the professionalism of our Dallas police officers. As they were being shot at, the fact that they helped to clear the area, they helped to get the fallen and the injured out of there, they were able to isolate the suspect, and that you didn't have other casualties as a consequence of the police shooting back -- that just gives you an indication of what a tough job they have and how well they do it on a regular basis. 美国人在很大程度上希望确保我们的警察队伍得到支持，因为他们知道我们的警察从事的是一份非常艰难、危险的工作。看看我们达拉斯警察的专业精神就知道了。在遭到枪击时，他们帮助疏散人群，帮助转移遇难和受伤人员，他们成功围捕了嫌疑人，而且警方的还击没有造成其他人员伤亡——这正说明他们的工作有多么艰难，而他们日常又做得有多么出色。
So I think the danger, as I said, is that we somehow suggest that the act of a troubled individual speaks to some larger political statement across the country. It doesn't. When some white kid walks into a church and shoots a bunch of worshippers who invite him to worship with them, we don't assume that somehow he's making a political statement that's relevant to the attitudes of the rest of America. And we shouldn't make those assumptions around a troubled Muslim individual who is acting on their own in that same way. 所以我认为，正如我所说的，危险在于我们会暗示一个问题分子的行为代表了全国某种更大的政治表态。事实并非如此。当某个白人孩子走进教堂，开枪打死一群邀请他一起做礼拜的信徒时，我们不会认为他在发表什么与其他美国人态度相关的政治声明。对于一个独自行事的有问题的穆斯林个人，我们也不应该做那样的假设。
Now, with respect to the issue of guns, I am going to keep on talking about the fact that we cannot eliminate all racial tension in our country overnight; we are not going to be able to identify ahead of time and eliminate every madman or troubled individual who might want to do harm against innocent people; but we can make it harder for them to do so. 现在，关于枪支问题，我会继续谈论这样一个事实：我们无法在一夜之间消除我国所有的种族紧张关系；我们不可能提前识别并消灭每一个可能想伤害无辜民众的疯子或问题分子；但我们可以让他们更难下手。
And if you look at the pattern of death and violence and shootings that we've experienced over the course of the last year, or the last five years, or the last 10 years -- I've said this before -- we are unique among advanced countries in the scale of violence that we experience. And I'm not just talking about mass shootings. I'm talking about the hundreds of people who have already been shot this year in my hometown of Chicago -- the ones that we just consider routine. 如果你看看我们在过去一年、过去五年、过去十年中经历的死亡、暴力和枪击事件的模式——我以前也说过——在暴力事件的规模上，我们在发达国家中是独树一帜的。我不仅仅在说大规模枪击事件。我在说我家乡芝加哥今年已经被枪击的数百人——那些我们习以为常的枪击案。
Now, we may not see that issue as connected to what happened in Dallas, but part of what’s creating tensions between communities and the police is the fact that police have a really difficult time in communities where they know guns are everywhere. As I said before, they have a right to come home -- and now they have very little margin of error in terms of making decisions. So if you care about the safety of our police officers, then you can't set aside the gun issue and pretend that that's irrelevant. 现在，我们可能不认为这个问题与达拉斯发生的事情有关，但造成社区和警方之间紧张关系的部分原因是，在枪支泛滥的社区里，警方的日子非常难过。正如我之前所说，他们有权平安回家——而现在他们在做决策时几乎没有犯错的余地。所以如果你关心我们警察的安全，你就不能把枪支问题抛在一边，假装它无关紧要。
At the protest in Dallas, one of the challenges for the Dallas Police Department -- as they're being shot at -- is because this is an open-carry state, there are a bunch of people participating in the protest who have weapons on them. Imagine if you're a police officer and you're trying to sort out who is shooting at you and there are a bunch of people who have got guns on them. 在达拉斯的抗议活动中，达拉斯警察局面临的挑战之一是——当他们遭到枪击时——因为这是一个公开携枪州，有很多参与抗议的人身上带着武器。想象一下，如果你是一名警察，你正试图分辨谁在向你开枪，而周围有一大群人都带着枪。
In Minneapolis, we don't know yet what happened, but we do know that there was a gun in the car that apparently was licensed, but it caused in some fashion those tragic events. 在明尼阿波利斯，我们还不知道发生了什么，但我们确实知道车里有一把枪，显然是有执照的，但这在某种程度上导致了那些悲剧事件。
So, no, we can't just ignore that and pretend that that’s somehow political or the President is pushing his policy agenda. It is a contributing factor -- not the sole factor, but a contributing factor to the broader tensions that arise between police and the communities where they serve. And so we have to talk about that. 所以，不，我们不能忽视这个问题，假装那只是政治操作或者总统在推行他的政策议程。这是一个促成因素——不是唯一因素，但它是警方与其所服务社区之间更广泛紧张关系的一个促成因素。所以我们必须谈论这个问题。
And as I've said before, there is a way to talk about that that is consistent with our Constitution and the Second Amendment. The problem is even mention of it somehow evokes this kind of polarization. 正如我之前所说，有一种方式来讨论这个问题，既符合我们的宪法，也符合第二修正案。问题是，哪怕只是提及这个问题，不知何故都会引发这种两极分化。
And you're right, when it comes to the issue of gun safety, there is polarization between a very intense minority and a majority of Americans who actually think that we could be doing better when it comes to gun safety. But that expresses itself in stark terms when it comes to legislation in Congress or in state legislatures. And that's too bad. We're going to have to tackle that at some point. And I'm not going to stop talking about it, because if we don't talk about it, we're not going to solve these underlying problems. It's part of the problem. 你说得对，在枪支安全问题上，一个立场非常强硬的少数派和大多数美国人之间确实存在分歧，大多数美国人实际上认为我们在枪支安全方面可以做得更好。但当涉及到国会或州议会的立法时，这种分歧就表现得十分尖锐。这太糟糕了。我们总有一天必须解决这个问题。我不会停止谈论它，因为如果我们不谈论它，我们就不会解决这些根本问题。这是问题的一部分。
Carol Lee. 请卡罗尔·李提问。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. You mentioned San Bernardino and Orlando. And Americans have been warned that similar attacks could happen here in -- over there in the United States. And obviously what happened this week in Minnesota and Louisiana and Dallas -- these are not necessarily the same types of attacks and the motivations may be different, but, collectively, they’re having a real impact on the American public in that there’s a real anxiety out there, where people are genuinely afraid, going about their daily lives, doing routine things. 记者：谢谢总统先生。您提到了圣贝纳迪诺和奥兰多。美国人已被警告类似的袭击也可能发生在美国本土。显然，本周在明尼苏达、路易斯安那和达拉斯发生的事件——这些不一定是同一类型的袭击，动机也可能不同，但总体而言，它们对美国公众产生了切实的影响，人们心中弥漫着真实的焦虑，人们在日常生活中、做着平常事的时候，真的感到害怕。
President Obama: Right. 奥巴马总统：没错。
Question: So my questions are, do you see any sort of common thread in these events? Is this sort of just a new normal? Is there anything that you can do about this? And what’s your message to Americans who are genuinely afraid? Because the anxiety just seems to be getting worse, not better, and these attacks keep seeming to happen in much more regularity that wasn’t a part of their experience even, say, a year ago. 记者：所以我的问题是，您认为这些事件之间有什么共同线索吗？这是不是某种新的常态？您对此有什么可以做的吗？您对那些真正感到害怕的美国人有什么要说的？因为焦虑似乎越来越严重，而不是减轻，而且这些袭击发生的频率越来越高，这在哪怕一年前都还不是他们生活体验的一部分。
President Obama: Well, Carol Lee, I do think we have to disentangle these issues. When it comes to terrorist attacks, people are understandably concerned not just because of what’s happening in the United States, but what happened in Brussels, and what’s happened in Paris, and what’s happened in Turkey, and what is consistently happening in Iraq and Bangladesh and all around the world. And that's why the work that we've done with NATO and our counter-ISIL coalition and other partners is so vital. 奥巴马总统：嗯，卡罗尔·李，我确实认为我们必须理清这些问题。谈到恐怖袭击，人们感到担忧是可以理解的，不仅仅因为美国发生的事情，还因为布鲁塞尔、巴黎、土耳其发生的事情，以及伊拉克、孟加拉国和世界各地不断发生的事情。这就是为什么我们与北约、我们的打击ISIL联盟以及其他伙伴所做的工作如此重要。
One of the things that's been commented on is that as ISIL loses territory and the fraud of the caliphate becomes more obvious, they are going to start resorting to more traditional terrorist tactics. They can't govern. They can't deliver anything meaningful to the people whose territory they can control. The one thing they know how to do is kill. 人们一直在评论的一件事是，随着ISIL失去领土，其哈里发国的骗局变得更加明显，他们将开始诉诸更传统的恐怖主义手段。他们不会治理。他们无法为所控制领土上的人民提供任何有意义的东西。他们唯一会做的就是杀人。
And so we're going to have to redouble our efforts in terms of intelligence, coordination, our counter-messaging on extremism, working closely with Muslim communities both overseas and in our own countries to make sure that we are reducing the number of people who are inspired by their message or are, in some coordinated fashion, trying to attack us. 因此，我们必须在情报、协调、极端主义反宣传方面加倍努力，与海外和我们本国的穆斯林社区密切合作，确保我们减少受其信息蛊惑或以某种协同方式试图袭击我们的人数。
And obviously, we have built up a huge infrastructure to try to do that. The more successful we are in Iraq and Syria and Libya and other places where ISIL has gotten a stronghold, the weaker they are, the less resources they have, the less effectively they can recruit. But when individuals are willing to die, and they have no conscience and compunction about killing innocent people, they are hard to detect. And it means that we've got to continually up our game. 显然，我们已经建立了庞大的基础设施来努力做到这一点。我们在伊拉克、叙利亚、利比亚以及其他ISIL站稳脚跟的地方越成功，他们就越弱，资源就越少，招募效果就越差。但当个人愿意去死，而且他们在杀害无辜民众时毫无良知和顾忌时，就很难被发现。这意味着我们必须不断提升我们的能力。
Having said that, I think it is important to note just the success that we've seen in the last several weeks when it comes to rolling back al Qaeda. The liberation of Fallujah got a little bit lost in the news, but that's a big town, and with our support, the counter-ISIL coalition support, the Iraqi government was able to move through there quickly. They’re now positioning themselves so that they can start going after Mosul. In Syria, you're seeing progress along Pocket Manbij that has been used for foreign fighter flows. And so they’re on their heels, and we're going to stay on it. 话虽如此，我认为重要的是要注意到过去几周我们在打击基地组织方面取得的成功。费卢杰的解放消息有点被淹没在新闻里了，但那是一座大城市，在我们的支持下——在打击ISIL联盟的支持下——伊拉克政府得以迅速推进。他们现在正在部署兵力，以便开始向摩苏尔进军。在叙利亚，你可以看到在曾被用于外国武装人员流动的曼比季口袋地区取得的进展。所以他们已经节节败退，我们会继续施压。
Now, when it comes to crime, generally, I think it's just important to keep in mind that our crime rate today is substantially lower than it was five years ago, 10 years ago, 20 years ago, 30 years ago. Over the last four or five years, during the course of my presidency, violent crime in the United States is the lowest it's been since probably the 1960s, maybe before the early 1960s. There’s been an incredible drop in violent crime. 现在，谈到一般犯罪问题，我认为重要的是要记住，我们今天的犯罪率比五年前、十年前、二十年前、三十年前都要低得多。在过去四五年里，在我总统任期内，美国的暴力犯罪处于可能自20世纪60年代以来的最低水平，也许比60年代初还要低。暴力犯罪下降的幅度令人惊叹。
So that doesn’t lessen, I think, people’s understandable fears if they see a video clip of somebody getting killed. But it is important to keep in perspective that in places like New York, or Los Angeles, or Dallas, you’ve seen huge drops in the murder rates. And that's a testimony to smarter policing, and there are a range of other factors that have contributed to that. 所以，如果人们看到有人被杀害的视频片段而感到恐惧，这是可以理解的，但这并不能减轻恐惧。但重要的是要客观看待，在纽约、洛杉矶、达拉斯这样的城市，谋杀率已经大幅下降。这要归功于更智能的警务工作，还有一系列其他因素共同促成了这一结果。
So that should not -- we should never be satisfied when any innocent person has been killed, but that should not be something that is driving our anxieties, relative to where we've been in the past. 所以，每当有无辜的人被杀害，我们都绝不应该满足，但相对于我们过去的状况，这不应该成为驱动我们焦虑的因素。
And with respect to, finally, the issue of police shootings, there’s no doubt that the visual records that we're seeing have elevated people’s consciousness about this. But as I've said before, for African Americans or Latinos in the pre-smartphone age, I don’t think that people were not aware of the fact that there is evidence of racial bias in our criminal justice system. It's been well-documented, and it's been experienced. And even before I got to the U.S. 最后，关于警察枪击事件的问题，毫无疑问，我们看到的视频记录提高了人们对这个问题的认识。但正如我之前所说，对于非裔美国人或拉美裔人来说，在智能手机出现之前，他们并非不知道刑事司法系统中存在种族偏见的证据。这一点有充分的记录，也被亲身经历过。甚至在我进入联邦参议院之前，
Senate, when I was in the State Senate in Illinois, I passed legislation to try to reduce the incidents of racial profiling by collecting data. And that was prompted by evidence that it was taking place in certain parts of the state. 当我还在伊利诺伊州议会时，我就通过了立法，试图通过收集数据来减少种族貌相事件的发生。这是因为有证据表明该州某些地区存在这种情况。
And the fact that we're aware of it may increase some anxiety right now, and hurt and anger. But it's been said, sunshine is the best disinfectant. By seeing it, by people feeling a sense of urgency about it, by the larger American community realizing that, gosh, maybe this is a problem -- and we've seen even some very conservative commentators begin to acknowledge this is something maybe we need to work on -- that promises the possibility of actually getting it done. So, it hurts, but if we don’t diagnose this we can’t fix it. 我们现在意识到了这个问题，这可能会增加一些焦虑、痛苦和愤怒。但常言道，阳光是最好的消毒剂。看到问题、让人们产生紧迫感、让更广泛的美国社会意识到，天哪，也许这确实是个问题——我们甚至看到一些非常保守的评论员也开始承认这可能是我们需要努力解决的问题——这才有了真正解决问题的可能。所以，这很痛，但如果我们不诊断出问题，就无法解决它。
Ayesha Rascoe. Reuters. 请阿伊莎·拉斯科提问。路透社。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. As you come to the end of your term, there's a lot of talk about your legacy. I know you may like to leave that to the historians, but -- 记者：谢谢总统先生。在您任期即将结束之际，有很多关于您遗产的讨论。我知道您可能更愿意把这个问题留给历史学家，但是——
President Obama: I do. 奥巴马总统：是的。
Question: -- but when you look back on your presidency and consider race relations, what do you hope your legacy will be? How do you think the shootings in Dallas and the high-profile shootings by police, and other events will shape the way your presidency is remembered? 记者：——但是当您回顾您的总统任期，思考种族关系问题时，您希望您的遗产是什么？您认为达拉斯枪击案、备受关注的警察枪击事件以及其他事件将如何影响人们对您总统任期的记忆？
President Obama: I do want to leave legacy questions to the history books. But what I can do -- maybe this is a fair response to your question -- is to say how I've tried to lead the country on this issue. 奥巴马总统：我确实想把遗产问题留给历史书来评判。但我能做的——也许这是对你问题的一个合理回答——是说说我在这个问题上是如何努力领导这个国家的。
More than anything, what I hope is that my voice has tried to get all of us as Americans to understand the difficult legacy of race; to encourage people to listen to each other; to recognize that the legacy of slavery and Jim Crow and discrimination didn’t suddenly vanish with the passage of the Civil Rights Act or the Voting Rights Act, or the election of Barack Obama; that things have gotten better -- substantially better -- but that we've still got a lot more work to do; 最重要的是，我希望我的声音一直在努力让我们所有美国人理解种族问题的沉重遗产；鼓励人们相互倾听；认识到奴隶制、吉姆克劳法和歧视的遗产并没有随着《民权法案》或《投票权法案》的通过，或者巴拉克·奥巴马的当选而突然消失；情况确实有所改善——大幅改善——但我们仍有很多工作要做；
and that, as was the case with the police task force that we set up, that I've tried to encourage people to come up with practical, concrete solutions that can reduce, if not eliminate, the problems of racial bias. 而且，正如我们设立的警察专案组所体现的那样，我一直在努力鼓励人们提出切实可行的具体解决方案，以减少——如果不能消除——种族偏见问题。
And if my voice has been true and positive, then my hope would be that it may not fix everything right away, but it surfaces problems, it frames them; it allows us to wrestle with these issues and try to come up with practical solutions; and that that perspective may lead to continued improvement so that not just Malia and Sasha, but their children can experience a country that is more just and more united and more equal. 如果我的声音是真诚而积极的，那么我的希望是，也许它不能立刻解决所有问题，但它能揭露问题、界定问题；它让我们能够直面这些问题，努力提出切实可行的解决方案；而这种视角或许能带来持续的进步，这样不仅玛丽亚和萨沙，她们的孩子也能生活在一个更加公正、更加团结、更加平等的国家。
And that's not going to happen right away, and that's okay. We plant seeds, and somebody else maybe sits under the shade of the tree that we planted. And I'd like to think that, as best as I could, I have been true in speaking about these issues. 这不会马上实现，没关系。我们播下种子，后来人也许就能在我们栽种的树下乘凉。我愿意认为，我已尽我所能，真诚地谈论了这些问题。
Justin. 请贾斯汀提问。
Question: Thanks, Mr. President. Throughout the summit, EU leaders have echoed your confidence about Brexit happening in an orderly way. They’ve also stressed that the UK has to have access to an open market, must continue to respect the freedom of migration for workers. Someone who has repeatedly advocated for globalization and extolled the virtues of immigration, shouldn’t that principle be pre-baked in the negotiations? 记者：谢谢总统先生。在整个峰会期间，欧盟领导人都呼应了您对英国脱欧将有序进行的信心。他们也强调，英国必须获得开放市场的准入，必须继续尊重工人的迁徙自由。对于一个一再倡导全球化、赞扬移民好处的人来说，这一原则难道不应该在谈判中就预先确定吗？
What specific assurances did you get during the summit from other leaders that make you confident that the currency markets are wrong, and the political turmoil in Britain and subsequently -- the EU will go smoothly? 峰会期间您从其他领导人那里得到了什么具体保证，让您有信心认为市场的判断是错的，英国的政治动荡以及随后的——欧盟进程将顺利进行？
And finally, both you and Secretary Kerry have used “if” to describe Brexit. So I'm wondering if you see any way for the British people to put the toothpaste back in the tube on this issue. 最后，您和克里国务卿都用"如果"来描述英国脱欧。所以我想知道，您认为英国人民有没有什么办法可以把这个问题的牙膏重新挤回管子里？
President Obama: I think we have to assume that a referendum having been passed, with a lot of attention, a lengthy campaign and relatively high participation rates, is going to stick, and that the incoming government, a conservative government, is going to invoke Article 50 and begin the process of negotiations. How that process unfolds, how the negotiations work I think is going to be up to the parties involved. 奥巴马总统：我认为我们必须假设，一场经过广泛关注、漫长竞选和相对高投票率的公投一旦通过，就会生效，即将上任的政府——一届保守党政府——将启动第50条，开始谈判进程。这个进程如何展开、谈判如何进行，我认为将取决于相关各方。
The main message I've had here is we are close friends, allies, commercial partners with the UK and with the EU. We will remain close friends, allies, partners, continue to have strong relationships on both sides of the Channel. Our primary interest is to make sure that the negotiations and this process are as orderly and as sensible as possible, recognizing that it is in the interests of both sides to get it right. 我在这里传递的主要信息是，我们是英国和欧盟的亲密朋友、盟友和商业伙伴。我们将继续保持亲密的朋友、盟友和伙伴关系，继续与海峡两岸保持牢固的关系。我们的首要利益是确保谈判和这一进程尽可能有序、明智地进行，因为把事情做好符合双方的利益。
They are major trading partners. That's where goods get sent, back and forth. And it's important that neither side harden positions in ways that ultimately do damage to their respective economies and ultimately to the world economy at a time when our world economy is still pretty wobbly in places. 它们是重要的贸易伙伴。货物在两地之间往来输送。重要的是，任何一方都不应采取强硬立场，最终损害各自的经济，在世界经济仍相当不稳定的时候，最终损害世界经济。
I want to make a further point. I'm not sure it's accurate to say that I am a huge booster of globalization. What is accurate to say is that I believe the process of globalization is here to stay -- as a consequence of technology and the mobility of capital, and cargo container ships and global supply chains. And conceivably, we could run back the tape to 50 years ago and see whether we could rearrange some of that process, but it's happening. It's here. And we see it every day in our lives. Everybody who has got a smartphone in their pocket is seeing it. 我想再说明一点。我不确定说我是全球化的超级粉丝是否准确。准确的说法是，我相信全球化的进程已经不可逆转——这是技术、资本流动、集装箱货轮和全球供应链带来的结果。可以想象，我们可以把倒带回到50年前，看看能否重新安排其中的一些进程，但它正在发生。它已经到来。我们每天都能在生活中感受到。每个口袋里装着智能手机的人都能感受到。
And my argument has been that there are enormous benefits to be gained from that global integration, just as there are enormous benefits to be gained from European integration, so long as we recognize that with that integration there is the danger of increased inequality, or workers having less leverage and capital having more leverage, that it threatens to leave people behind. 我的观点是，全球一体化带来了巨大的好处，正如欧洲一体化带来了巨大的好处一样，只要我们认识到，伴随着一体化，也存在着不平等加剧的危险，或者说工人的议价能力减弱而资本的议价能力增强，这可能会让一些人掉队。
And if we don't take steps to make sure everybody can participate in that global integration -- making sure that wages are high enough, making sure that we rebuild the social compact so that pensions and health care are taken care of, making sure that communities are not completely abandoned when a factory leaves and there’s an economic plan for transition -- if we do not do that effectively, then there’s going to be a backlash. 如果我们不采取措施确保每个人都能参与到全球一体化中——确保工资足够高，确保我们重建社会契约以保障养老金和医疗保健，确保工厂搬走时社区不会被完全抛弃，并且有经济转型计划——如果我们不能有效做到这一点，就会出现反弹。
With respect to immigration, it is America’s experience that immigration has been, by far, a net plus for our economic growth, our culture, our way of life. Now, in America, that's by necessity, because unless you're a Native American, you came from -- everybody came from someplace else. Europe may not have as many of those traditions. 关于移民，美国的经验是，移民迄今为止对我们的经济增长、文化和生活方式都是净收益。在美国，这是必然的，因为除非你是印第安人，否则你——每个人都来自别的地方。欧洲可能没有那么多这样的传统。
But keep in mind, one of the huge macroeconomic advantages that America has is we're still a relatively young country, our birth rate is not dropping off like Europe’s is, or Russia’s is, or China’s, or Japan’s. And that's as a consequence of immigration. And it's economics 101, if you’ve got a younger population, your growth rate is going to be higher. 但请记住，美国拥有的巨大宏观经济优势之一是我们仍然是一个相对年轻的国家，我们的出生率没有像欧洲、俄罗斯、中国或日本那样下降。这是移民带来的结果。这是经济学基本常识，如果人口更年轻，增长率就会更高。
And immigrants are strivers, and they work hard. And they’re looking to build a better life. Otherwise they wouldn't move from where they were. And that's been part of our tradition and our culture and our society. 移民都是奋斗者，他们努力工作。他们追求更好的生活。否则他们不会背井离乡。这已经成为我们传统、文化和社会的一部分。
Now, huge influxes of the sort that we've seen in Europe -- that's always going to be a shock to the system. And I think it is entirely appropriate for Europe, even as generous as it has been -- and I think that Chancellor Merkel deserves enormous credit, and other European leaders who have taken in these migrant populations deserve enormous credit, because that's hard. It's a strain on the budget. It's a strain on politics. It's a strain on culture. It's legitimate for them to say, look, we got to slow this thing down. We got to manage it properly. 现在，像欧洲所经历的那种大规模人口涌入——总会对体制造成冲击。我认为欧洲即使一直慷慨大方，也完全有理由放慢脚步——我认为默克尔总理值得极大的赞誉，其他接收了这些移民人口的欧洲领导人也值得极大的赞誉，因为这很难。这对预算是压力。对政治是压力。对文化是压力。他们完全有理由说，听着，我们得放慢速度。我们得妥善管理。
That's why we're setting up a U.N. Conference on Refugees on the margins of the United Nations General Assembly, because a few countries shouldn’t be shouldering the burden for 60 million refugees. And we've got to come up with strategies to allow people in countries that are very poor, or are in the middle of a war zone, enjoy some peace and prosperity. Otherwise, the world has shrank and they’re going to want to move. And that's not going to go away anytime soon. 这就是为什么我们要在联合国大会期间举办联合国难民问题会议，因为少数国家不应承担6000万难民的负担。我们必须制定策略，让那些非常贫穷或处于战区的国家的人民能够享有一些和平与繁荣。否则，世界变小了，他们就会想要迁移。这不会很快消失。
So it's one more reason why, given the fact of global integration, we have to think globally, more broadly. Because our security interests, our economies are all going to depend on the institutional arrangements that we have across boundaries. 所以这又多了一个理由，鉴于全球一体化的事实，我们必须进行全球性、更广泛的思考。因为我们的安全利益、我们的经济都将取决于我们的跨境制度安排。
And NATO is an example of a really enduring multilateral institution that helped us get through some very difficult times. But even the best of institutions have to be adapted to new circumstances. That's true for organizations like NATO. It's true for organizations like the U.N. It's true for organizations like the EU. It's true for all the architecture that has helped the world and our countries improve their standard of livings and reduce overall violence between states substantially over the last several decades. 北约就是一个真正持久的多边机构的例子，它帮助我们度过了一些非常困难的时期。但即便是最好的机构也必须适应新的形势。北约这样的组织是如此，联合国这样的组织是如此，欧盟这样的组织也是如此。过去几十年里，帮助世界和我们各国提高生活水平、大幅减少国家间总体暴力的所有架构都是如此。
Mark Landler. 请马克·兰德勒提问。
Question: Thank you very much, Mr. President. You’ve been scrupulous about saying you would not comment on the Justice Department investigation of Hillary Clinton’s email. The investigation is now closed. And I hope that I could ask you about some of the comments that FBI Director Comey made a few days ago. 记者：非常感谢总统先生。您一直非常谨慎地表示不会就司法部对希拉里·克林顿邮件的调查发表评论。现在调查已经结束了。我希望我可以就联邦调查局局长科米几天前的一些言论向您提问。
President Obama: You may, Mark, but I want you to make sure you're not wasting your question. I'm going to continue to be scrupulous about not commenting on it, just because I think Director Comey could not have been more exhaustive. My understanding is not only did he make a full presentation, but while we were over here, or at least flying, he was presenting to Congress for hours on end. But I just want to give you a chance, just in case you didn’t want to burn your question. 奥巴马总统：马克，你可以问，但我想让你确保你不是在浪费你的问题。我会继续谨慎地不对此发表评论，因为我认为科米局长的调查已经不能更详尽了。据我了解，他不仅做了完整的陈述，而且在我们在这里的时候，或者至少在我们飞行途中，他向国会做了数小时的汇报。但我只是想给你一个机会，万一你不想浪费你的问题。
Question: Okay. I actually have a backup. Maybe I could cut to the chase and ask you about a broader question. Let’s leave aside Mrs. Clinton for the moment. He did talk at the end of his presentation about how he feared that there was a broader cultural issue in the State Department for the handling of classified information that troubled him. And I wondered whether you -- since you rely on the State Department to conduct your foreign policy -- whether that concerns you as well. 记者：好的。其实我还有一个备用问题。也许我可以直截了当地问一个更广泛的问题。暂且不谈克林顿女士。科米局长在陈述的最后确实提到，他担心国务院在处理机密信息方面存在更广泛的文化问题，这让他感到不安。我想知道您——既然您依靠国务院来推行您的外交政策——您是否也对此感到担忧。
And if I may, could I ask another question -- because I think it might get an interesting response. You, last May, passed a milestone in that you are now President longer when the country was at war than your predecessor, George W. Bush. And if you complete your presidency, as you will, with troops in Afghanistan, Syria and Iraq, you will be the only two-term President in American history to have served with the country at war. And I wonder, given the way that you ran for office and the aspirations you brought into office, how you feel about that reality? 如果可以的话，我还能再问一个问题吗——因为我觉得可能会得到一个有趣的回答。去年5月，您跨越了一个里程碑，您现在成为国家处于战争状态时间比您的前任乔治·W·布什还要长的总统。如果您在总统任期结束时——您会的——仍在阿富汗、叙利亚和伊拉克驻军，您将成为美国历史上唯一一位两届任期内国家都处于战争状态的总统。我想知道，考虑到您竞选时的理念和您上任时的抱负，您对这个现实有何感受？
And a second follow-up on that -- should the American people simply resign themselves to living in a state of perpetual war, even if that war is not the all-out war that we think of in the 20th century? 还有第二个后续问题——美国人民是否应该干脆接受自己永远生活在战争状态中的现实，即使这种战争不是我们所认为的20世纪那种全面战争？
President Obama: That was an interesting question so -- first of all, with respect to the State Department, I am concerned. And the challenge that we've got is primarily driven by the changing nature of how information flows. Look, the advent of email and texts and smartphones is just generating enormous amounts of data. Now, it is hugely convenient. It means that in real time I'm getting information that some of my predecessors might not have gotten for weeks. 奥巴马总统：这是个有趣的问题——首先，关于国务院，我确实感到担忧。我们面临的挑战主要是由信息流动方式的变化所驱动的。听着，电子邮件、短信和智能手机的出现产生了海量数据。现在，这非常方便。这意味着我能实时获取信息，而我的一些前任可能要等几周才能得到。
But what it also is doing is creating this massive influx of information on a daily basis, putting enormous pressure on the department to sort through it, classify it properly, figure out what are the various points of entry because of the cyber-attack risks that these systems have, knowing that our adversaries are constantly trying to hack into these various systems. If you overclassify, then all the advantages of this new information suddenly go away because it's taking too long to process. 但这也造成了每天大量信息的涌入，给国务院带来了巨大压力，他们需要分类整理、正确定级、弄清楚各种接入点的风险，因为这些系统存在网络攻击风险，而且我们的对手一直在试图入侵这些系统。如果你分级过严，那么这些新信息的所有优势就会突然消失，因为处理时间太长了。
And so we've been trying to think about this in a smart way. And I think Secretary Kerry has got a range of initiatives to try to get our arms around this. It reflects a larger problem in government. We just recently, for example -- I just recently signed a bill about FOYA requests -- Freedom of Information Act requests that built on a number of reforms that we've put in place. We're processing more Freedom of Information Act requests and doing so faster than ever before. The problem is the volume of requests has skyrocketed. 所以我们一直在努力以明智的方式思考这个问题。我认为克里国务卿有一系列举措来努力解决这个问题。这反映了政府中一个更大的问题。比如，我们最近——我最近签署了一项关于《信息自由法》申请的法案——它建立在我们实施的多项改革基础之上。我们正在处理比以往更多的《信息自由法》申请，而且处理速度更快。问题是申请量激增。
The amount of information that answers the request has multiplied exponentially. 回应申请所需的信息量呈指数级增长。
So across government, you're seeing this problem. And it's a problem in terms of domestic affairs. It becomes an even bigger problem when you're talking about national security issues. So it is something that we're going to have to take care of. 所以在整个政府层面，你都能看到这个问题。这在国内事务中是个问题。在国家安全问题上则是一个更大的问题。所以这是我们必须解决的问题。
With respect to reflections on war, when I came into office, we had 180,000 troops in Iraq and Afghanistan. Today we have a fraction of that. They are not involved in active combat situations, but are involved in train, advise and assist situations, other than the direct attacks that we launch against ISIL in conjunction with the Iraq government and the Syrian government. 关于对战争的反思，我上任时，我们在伊拉克和阿富汗有18万军队。今天我们只有其中的一小部分。他们不参与积极的战斗行动，而是参与训练、建议和协助，除了我们与伊拉克政府和叙利亚政府协同对ISIL发动的直接打击之外。
So in some ways, Mark, I think you’d recognize that our military operations today in Iraq and Afghanistan are fundamentally different than the wars that we were engaged in when I came into office. But I think you are making an important point, which is when we are dealing with non-state actors, and those non-state actors are located in countries with limited capacity, our ultimate goal is to partner with those countries so that they can secure their borders and, themselves, eliminate these terrorist threats. 所以在某些方面，马克，我认为你会认识到，我们今天在伊拉克和阿富汗的军事行动与我上任时我们所进行的战争有着根本的不同。但我认为你提出了一个重要的观点，那就是当我们对付非国家行为体时，而这些非国家行为体位于能力有限的国家，我们的最终目标是与这些国家合作，让它们能够保卫自己的边境，自己消除这些恐怖主义威胁。
But as we've seen in Afghanistan, for example, that takes some time. The Afghans are fighting. They are much more capable now than they were when I came into office. But they still need support -- because it's really tough territory, and it's a really poor country with really low literacy rates and not much experience in things that we take for granted like logistics. 但正如我们在阿富汗看到的那样，这需要时间。阿富汗人在战斗。他们现在比我刚上任时能干多了。但他们仍然需要支持——因为那里的地形非常恶劣，而且这是一个非常贫穷的国家，识字率很低，在物流等我们认为理所当然的事情上经验也不多。
And so, we have an option of going in, taking out al Qaeda, pulling out, potentially then seeing a country crumble under the strains of continued terrorist activity or insurgency, and then going back in. Or we can try to maintain a limited partnership that allows them to continue to build their capacity over time, and selectively take our own actions against those organizations that we know are trying to attack us or our allies. 所以，我们有两种选择：要么出兵，消灭基地组织，然后撤军，可能眼看着这个国家在持续的恐怖活动或叛乱的压力下崩溃，然后再出兵。要么我们努力维持一种有限的伙伴关系，让他们能够随着时间的推移不断建设自己的能力，同时我们有选择地对那些我们知道正试图袭击我们或我们盟友的组织采取自己的行动。
Because they’re non-state actors, it's very hard for us ever to get the satisfaction of McArthur and the Emperor meeting and a war officially being over. AQI was defeated in the sense that we were able to execute a transition to a democratically elected Iraqi government. But for all of our efforts, and incredible courage and bravery and sacrifice of our troops, the political structure there was still uneven. 因为它们是非国家行为体，我们很难获得麦克阿瑟与天皇会面、战争正式结束的那种满足感。基地组织伊拉克分支曾被击败，因为我们能够实现向民主选举的伊拉克政府过渡。但尽管我们付出了所有努力，尽管我们的军队表现出了非凡的勇气和牺牲精神，那里的政治结构仍然不平衡。
You had continued Sunni resentments, continued de-Baathification, and as a consequence, those vestiges of AQI were able to reconstitute themselves, move into Syria as Syria began to engage in civil war, rebuild and then come back in. 逊尼派的不满持续存在，去复兴党化继续推进，结果，基地组织伊拉克分支的残余势力得以重组，在叙利亚陷入内战后进入叙利亚，重整旗鼓，然后又卷土重来。
Some have argued that this is the reason why we should have never pulled out of Iraq, or at least we should have left some larger presence there. Of course, the problem was that we didn’t have an Iraqi government that wanted them, unlike Afghanistan where we've been invited. And it's very difficult for us to -- for me, as Commander-in-Chief, to want to put our troops in a precarious situation where they’re not protected. 有人认为，这就是为什么我们当初不应该从伊拉克撤军，或者至少应该留下更多驻军。当然，问题在于我们没有一个希望他们留下的伊拉克政府，不像阿富汗，我们是被邀请去的。而对我们来说——对我这个总司令来说——很难想要把我们的军队置于一个不受保护的危险境地。
So I think what we've been trying to do, what I've been trying to do is to create an architecture, a structure -- and it's not there yet -- that emphasizes partnerships with countries, emphasizes building up fragile states, resolving internal conflicts wherever we can, trying to do as much as we can through our local partners, preserving the possibility, the necessity to take strikes ourselves against organizations or individuals that we know are trying to kill Americans or Belgians or French or Germans -- combine that with much more effective intelligence-gathering. 所以我认为我们一直在努力做的，我一直在努力做的，是创建一个架构，一个结构——目前还没有完全建立起来——强调与各国的伙伴关系，强调扶持脆弱国家，尽可能解决内部冲突，尽可能通过当地伙伴开展工作，保留我们自己对那些我们知道试图杀害美国人、比利时人、法国人或德国人的组织或个人实施打击的可能性和必要性——再加上更有效的情报收集。
But it becomes more of a hybrid approach to national security. And that I do think is probably going to be something that we have to continue to grapple with for years to come. 但这更像是一种混合方式的国家安全手段。而且我确实认为，这可能是我们未来多年都必须继续应对的问题。
The good news is that there are fewer wars between states than ever before. And almost no wars between great powers. And that's a great legacy of leaders in the United States and Europe and Asia, after the Cold War -- or after the end of World War II that built this international architecture. That's worked. And we should be proud of that and preserve it. 好消息是，国家间的战争比以往任何时候都少。大国之间几乎没有战争。这是美国、欧洲和亚洲领导人在冷战后——或者说二战后——建立这一国际架构的伟大遗产。这很有效。我们应该为此感到自豪，并维护它。
But this different kind of low-grade threat, one that's not an existential threat but can do real damage and real harm to our societies, and creates the kind of fear that can cause division and political reactions -- we have to do that better. We have to continually refine it. 但这种不同类型的低级别威胁，虽然不是生存威胁，但确实会对我们的社会造成真正的损害和伤害，并制造可能导致分裂和政治反应的恐惧——我们必须做得更好。我们必须不断完善它。
So, for example, the reason that I put out our announcement about the civilian casualties resulting from drone attacks -- understanding that there are those who dispute the numbers -- what I'm trying to do there is to institutionalize a system where we begin to hold ourselves accountable for this different kind of national security threat and these different kinds of operations. 所以，比如，我之所以公布无人机袭击造成平民伤亡的声明——尽管知道有人对数字有争议——我在那里试图做的是建立一种制度，让我们开始为这种不同类型的国家安全威胁和这些不同类型的行动承担责任。
And it's imperfect, still. But I think we can get there. And what I can say honestly is, whether we're talking about how the NSA operates, or how drone strikes operate, or how we're partnering with other countries, or my efforts to close Guantanamo -- that by the end of my presidency -- or banning torture -- by the end of my presidency, I feel confident that these efforts will be on a firmer legal footing, more consistent with international law and norms, more reflective of our values and our ethics. But we're going to have more work to do. 而且这仍然不完善。但我认为我们可以做到。我可以诚实地说，无论是我们谈论国安局的运作方式，还是无人机袭击的运作方式，或者我们如何与其他国家合作，或者我关闭关塔那摩的努力——到我总统任期结束时——或者禁止酷刑——到我总统任期结束时，我有信心，这些努力将建立在更坚实的法律基础上，更符合国际法和国际准则，更能反映我们的价值观和伦理观。但我们还有更多工作要做。
It's not perfect, and we have to wrestle with these issues all the time. 这并不完美，我们必须始终与这些问题作斗争。
And as Commander-in-Chief of the most powerful military in the world, I spend a lot of time brooding over these issues. And I'm not satisfied that we've got it perfect yet. I can say honestly, it's better than it was when I came into office. 作为世界上最强大军队的总司令，我花了很多时间深思这些问题。我不满足于我们已经做到完美。我可以诚实地说，这比我上任时要好。
Thank you very much, everybody. Thank you, Poland. 非常感谢大家。谢谢波兰。
