Good evening, everybody. Let me begin by thanking President Kuczynski and the wonderful people of Peru for hosting us and for their outstanding hospitality. Peru is one of the United States’ strongest partners in the Americas -- from standing up for democracy, to promoting jobs and growth, to fighting climate change. And this summit has been a success thanks to the great work of our Peruvian friends. So on behalf of us all, muchas gracias. 大家晚上好。首先，请允许我感谢库琴斯基总统（秘鲁总统）和热情好客的秘鲁人民，感谢你们主办了这次峰会，感谢你们盛情的款待。秘鲁是美国在美洲最坚定的伙伴之一——从捍卫民主，到促进就业与增长，再到应对气候变化。这次峰会之所以取得成功，要归功于我们秘鲁朋友的出色工作。因此，我谨代表我们所有人，非常感谢。
This summit, and my trip over the past week, has obviously occurred against a backdrop of the broader debate over globalization and trade. As I’ve said, over the decades, our global, integrated economy has helped to improve the lives of billions of people around the world with historic gains in prosperity, education, and health. 这次峰会，以及我过去一周的出访，显然是在更广泛的全球化与贸易辩论的背景下进行的。正如我所说，几十年来，我们的全球一体化经济帮助改善了全世界数十亿人的生活，在繁荣、教育和健康方面取得了历史性的进步。
At the same time, when jobs and capital can move across borders, when workers have less leverage, when wealthy corporations and global elites too often seem to be playing by a different set of rules, then workers and communities can be hit especially hard; the gaps between the rich and everyone else grow wider. And that can reverberate through our politics. 但与此同时，当工作岗位和资本可以跨越国界流动，当工人的议价能力减弱，当富裕企业和全球精英似乎往往在按另一套规则行事时，工人和社区就会受到格外沉重的打击；富人和其他人之间的差距会越来越大。而这会在我们的政治中产生回响。
That’s why I firmly believe that one of our greatest challenges in the years ahead -- across our nations and within them -- will be to make sure that the benefits of the global economy are shared by more people and that the negative impacts, such as economic inequalities, are addressed by all nations. When it comes to trade, I believe that the answer is not to pull back or try to erect barriers to trade. Given our integrated economies and global supply chains, that would hurt us all. 这就是为什么我坚信，未来几年我们最大的挑战之一——在我们各国之间以及各国内部——将是确保全球经济的红利被更多人共享，并确保经济不平等等负面影响由所有国家共同应对。谈到贸易，我认为答案不是退缩或试图设置贸易壁垒。鉴于我们相互融合的经济和全球供应链，那会伤害我们所有人。
But rather the answer is to do trade right, making sure that it has strong labor standards, strong environmental standards, that it addresses ways in which workers and ordinary people can benefit rather than be harmed by global trade. All of this is the central work of APEC. 相反，答案是正确地开展贸易，确保它有强有力的劳工标准、强有力的环境标准，确保它能让工人和普通人从全球贸易中受益，而不是受到伤害。所有这些都是亚太经合组织（APEC）的核心工作。
As this debate moves forward in the United States, it’s important to remember how vital the Asia Pacific is to America’s prosperity. The 21 Asia Pacific economies here represent nearly three billion people, a majority of the global middle class, six of America’s top 10 trading partners, more than half of the global economy, and the world’s fastest-growing region. In other words, these 21 countries represent tremendous opportunity for the United States to sell our goods and support U.S. jobs. 随着这场辩论在美国向前推进，重要的是要记住亚太地区对美国的繁荣有多么重要。这里的21个亚太经济体拥有近30亿人口，占全球中产阶级的大多数，美国十大贸易伙伴中有六个在这里，该地区占全球经济的一半以上，是世界上增长最快的地区。换句话说，这21个国家为美国提供了销售我们商品、支持美国就业的巨大机遇。
And that’s why, as part of the rebalance of our foreign policy to the Asia Pacific, we’ve boosted U.S. exports to the region by some 50 percent. Nearly 60 percent of our exports go to the region. 这就是为什么，作为我们外交政策向亚太再平衡的一部分，我们已将美国对该地区的出口提升了约50%。我们近60%的出口流向该地区。
And this is part of broader progress. With 95 percent of the world’s customers beyond America’s borders, I’ve made it a priority to open up new markets overseas. And during my Administration, we’ve increased U.S. exports to the world by more than 40 percent -- to record levels -- and these exports support more than 11 million American jobs. Moreover, we know that companies that export tend to grow faster and hire more employees and pay their workers more than companies that do not export. All of which is why exports have helped to drive our economic recovery. 这是更广泛进展的一部分。由于世界上95%的客户在美国境外，我将开拓海外新市场作为优先事项。在我的政府任期内，我们将美国对世界的出口增加了40%以上——达到创纪录水平——这些出口支撑了1100多万个美国就业岗位。此外，我们知道，出口型企业往往增长更快、雇佣更多员工、支付更高的工资。所有这些就是为什么出口帮助推动了我们的经济复苏。
It's one of the reasons that U.S. businesses have created more than 15 million new jobs. 这也是美国企业创造了1500多万个新就业岗位的原因之一。
So that’s the kind of progress that trade -- when done right -- can deliver. And that’s the kind of work that we’ve tried to do here at this summit. We’re continuing our work to make it easier to do business between our countries so we’re creating even more jobs. 这就是贸易——当它正确开展时——能够带来的进步。这就是我们在本次峰会上努力开展的工作。我们继续努力简化各国之间的营商流程，以创造更多就业机会。
In the United States, we’re simplifying the process of starting a new business, increasing access to credit, all of which will help more ventures -- especially small businesses -- get up and running, and helping them to be able to export as well, so that they can access a global market even if they can't afford fancy lawyers and accountants and foreign offices. 在美国，我们正在简化创办新企业的流程，增加信贷可得性，所有这些都将帮助更多企业——尤其是小企业——起步并发展，帮助它们也能够出口，这样即使它们负担不起昂贵的律师、会计师和海外办事处，也能进入全球市场。
We agreed to increase our collective effort against corruption by targeting the bribery that enriches elites at the expense of people. And we committed to making it easier to trade in services as well as goods. 我们同意加大反腐败的集体力度，打击以牺牲人民利益为代价让中饱私囊的贿赂行为。我们还承诺让服务贸易和货物贸易一样更加便利。
We also discussed the excess capacity that exists in certain sectors, like steel and aluminum that distorts markets and hurts business and workers, including American workers. And even as I've argued that we cannot engage in protectionist measures, my Administration has been at the forefront of really cracking down hard on unfair trade practices and brought, consistently, cases against the -- cases under the WTO against those who are engaging in unfair trading practices, and we've had a great track record of trade enforcement that has to be a part of this process. 我们还讨论了某些行业存在的产能过剩问题，比如钢铁和铝，这扭曲了市场，伤害了企业和工人，包括美国工人。尽管我一直主张我们不能采取保护主义措施，但我的政府始终站在严厉打击不公平贸易行为的最前沿，持续在世贸组织框架下对那些从事不公平贸易行为的国家提起诉讼，我们在贸易执法方面有着出色的记录，这必须成为这一进程的一部分。
I’ve been very clear that excess capacity is not the result of market forces; it’s the result of specific government policies, and it needs to be fixed. And here at APEC, we've been taking steps, as we were at the G20 in Hangzhou, to start addressing these issues in a systematic way. 我已经非常明确地表示，产能过剩不是市场力量的结果；它是特定政府政策的结果，需要得到纠正。在这次亚太经合组织会议上，正如我们在杭州二十国集团（G20）峰会上所做的那样，我们正在采取措施，开始系统性地解决这些问题。
With regard to the digital economy, we endorsed rules to protect the privacy of personal information as it crosses borders. We discussed the importance of maintaining the current moratorium on customs duties for digital goods and innovation. And given growing cyber threats, our 21 APEC economies affirmed that no one should conduct or support cyber-enabled theft of intellectual property, including trade secrets, with the intent to providing a competitive advantage to companies or commercial sectors. 关于数字经济，我们批准了保护跨境个人信息隐私的规则。我们讨论了维持目前对数字产品免征关税的重要性以及创新。鉴于日益严重的网络威胁，我们21个亚太经合组织经济体确认，任何国家都不应从事或支持利用网络盗窃知识产权（包括商业机密），意图为企业或商业部门提供竞争优势。
We’re also moving ahead with making our economies more inclusive. And one particular area of focus is making sure that women have fair access to economic growth -- expanding education; expanding access to careers in science, technology, engineering and math; helping more women entrepreneurs to access finance and integrate their businesses into the global supply chain. According to one study, if women around the world participated in the labor force, it could add up to $28 trillion of additional output for the global economy -- $28 trillion. 我们还在推进提高经济包容性的工作。一个特别的重点领域是确保妇女公平享有经济增长的机会——扩大教育；扩大进入科学、技术、工程和数学领域职业的渠道；帮助更多女性创业者获得融资，并将她们的企业融入全球供应链。根据一项研究，如果全世界的妇女都能参与劳动力市场，全球经济产出可增加多达28万亿美元——28万亿。
When women are more prosperous, then families, communities and countries are all more prosperous as well. 当妇女更加繁荣时，家庭、社区和国家也都会更加繁荣。
My meeting yesterday with my fellow leaders of the Trans-Pacific Partnership was a chance to reaffirm our commitment to the TPP, with its high standards, strong protections for workers, the environment, intellectual property and human rights. Our partners made very clear during the meeting that they want to move forward with TPP; preferably, they’d like to move forward with the United States. A number of countries already are starting to ratify TPP. 昨天我与跨太平洋伙伴关系协定（TPP）其他领导人的会晤，是一个重申我们对TPP承诺的机会——它拥有高标准、对工人、环境、知识产权和人权的强有力保护。我们的伙伴在会议中非常明确地表示，他们希望推进TPP；最好是能与美国一起推进。一些国家已经开始批准TPP。
At the same time, we’re already hearing calls for a less ambitious trade agreement in the region with lower standards, lower protections for workers, lower protections for the environment. That kind of agreement would obviously exclude U.S. workers and businesses and access to those markets. So for all those reasons, I believe that TPP is a plus for America’s economy, America’s workers, American jobs. I think not moving forward would undermine our position across the region and our ability to shape the rules of global trade in a way that reflects our interests and our values. 与此同时，我们已经听到有人呼吁在该地区达成一个雄心较低的贸易协定，标准更低、对工人的保护更少、对环境的保护也更少。那种协定显然会将美国工人和企业以及它们进入那些市场的机会排除在外。因此，基于所有这些原因，我认为TPP对美国经济、美国工人、美国就业都是有利的。我认为不推进TPP将削弱我们在整个地区的地位，以及我们按照反映我们利益和价值观的方式塑造全球贸易规则的能力。
Finally, our cooperation with APEC has been critical to our historic progress in fighting climate change -- bringing the Paris agreement into force, agreeing to limit aviation emissions, phrasing out dangerous HFCs. Here in Lima, we continue our work to phase out fossil fuel subsidies, and countries made new commitments toward our goal of doubling our renewable energy over the next two decades. 最后，我们与亚太经合组织的合作对我们在应对气候变化方面取得的历史性进展至关重要——推动《巴黎协定》生效，同意限制航空排放，逐步淘汰危险的氢氟碳化物。在利马这里，我们继续推进逐步取消化石燃料补贴的工作，各国还就我们在未来二十年将可再生能源翻倍的目标做出了新的承诺。
So, as I wrap up my last summit and likely my last foreign trip as President, I could not be more proud of the progress that we’ve made together. Obviously, the work is never done. And given the prosperity and security we seek for not only the United States but our allies and our partners, I continue to believe that America will have a vital role to play in creating and sustaining a strong, enduring leadership role in the Asia Pacific. 因此，在我作为总统参加最后一次峰会、也可能是最后一次出访之际，我对我们共同取得的进展感到无比自豪。显然，工作永远不会结束。考虑到我们不仅为美国、也为我们的盟友和伙伴所寻求的繁荣与安全，我仍然相信，美国将在建立和维持亚太地区强大、持久的领导角色方面发挥至关重要的作用。
So, with that, let me take some questions. And I'll start with Darlene Superville of AP. 好了，现在我来回答大家的问题。先请美联社的达琳·苏珀维尔提问。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. You’ve been telling world leaders this week that President-elect Trump is unlikely to govern in the divisive way that he campaigned. But I'm wondering, how can you be so certain of that given that the first group of people he’s chosen for top national security and law enforcement positions hold the same views that he espoused as a candidate? And second, to follow up on your meeting earlier today with President Putin, did you discuss with him Russia’s alleged meddling in the U.S. election? 问：谢谢您，总统先生。您本周一直在告诉世界各国领导人，特朗普当选总统（候任总统）不太可能像他竞选时那样以分裂的方式执政。但我想知道，您怎么能如此确定？鉴于他为最高国家安全和执法职位选择的第一批人所持的观点，与他作为候选人时宣扬的如出一辙。第二个问题，继您今天早些时候与普京总统会面之后，您是否与他讨论了俄罗斯涉嫌干预美国大选的问题？
And are you concerned that the kind of involvement that we saw in this year’s campaign will be the new normal going forward in future U.S. elections? 您是否担心我们在今年大选中看到的那种干预，会成为未来美国大选的新常态？
President Obama: Well, what I have said to world leaders is the same thing that I've said in a number of press conferences, which is the President-elect now has to put together a team and put forward specifics about how he intends to govern. And he hasn't had a full opportunity to do that yet. And so people should take a wait-and-see approach in how much his policy proposals once in the White House, once he is sworn in, matches up with some of the rhetoric of his campaign. 奥巴马总统：我对世界各国领导人说的话，和我在多次新闻发布会上说的一样，那就是候任总统现在必须组建一个团队，并提出他打算如何执政的具体方案。他还没有充分的机会做到这一点。因此，人们应该采取观望的态度，看看他入主白宫、宣誓就职后，他的政策提案在多大程度上与他竞选时的一些言论相符。
My simple point is, is that you can't assume that the language of campaigning matches up with the specifics of governing, legislation, regulations, and foreign policy. 我的简单观点是，你不能假定竞选语言与执政、立法、监管和外交政策的具体内容是一回事。
I can't be sure of anything. I think, like everyone else, we'll have to wait and see. But as I've said before, once you're in the Oval Office, once you begin interacting with world leaders, once you see the complexities of the issues, that has a way of shaping your thinking and, in some cases, modifying your thinking, because you recognize this solemn responsibility not only to the American people but the solemn responsibility that America has as the largest, most powerful country in the world. 我什么都不能保证。我想，和其他人一样，我们得等着瞧。但正如我之前所说，一旦你坐在椭圆形办公室里，一旦你开始与世界各国领导人互动，一旦你看到问题的复杂性，那会塑造你的思维，在某些情况下，会修正你的思维，因为你认识到这份庄严的责任不仅是对美国人民的，也是美国作为世界上最大、最强大国家所肩负的庄严责任。
And I can't guarantee that the President-elect won't pursue some of the positions that he's taken. But what I can guarantee is, is that reality will force him to adjust how he approaches many of these issues. That's just the way this office works. 我不能保证候任总统不会继续推行他所持的一些立场。但我可以保证的是，现实将迫使他调整处理其中许多问题的方式。这就是这个职位的运作方式。
And I've said before, if these issues were easy -- if ensuring prosperity, jobs, security, good foreign relations with other countries -- if all that was simple, then it would have been done by every previous President. And I'm a pretty good presidential historian; I've looked at my 43 predecessors, and it seems like for all of them -- even the best ones -- that you end up confronting realities that you didn't anticipate. I think the same will happen here. And that's a good thing. That's an important thing. 我之前说过，如果这些问题很容易——如果确保繁荣、就业、安全、与其他国家的良好外交关系——如果这一切都很简单，那么之前的每一位总统早就做到了。我算是一个不错的总统历史学家；我研究过我的43位前任，看起来对他们所有人来说——即使是最伟大的那些——你最终都会面对你没有预料到的现实。我认为这次也会一样。而这是件好事。这是一件重要的事。
With respect to President Putin, I didn't have a meeting. We talked briefly while we were in between sessions. And the conversation that I had with him was consistent with the conversations I've had with him over the previous several months, indicating to him that we are still deeply concerned about the bloodshed and chaos that's being sown by constant bombing attacks by Assad and the Russian military against populations in Aleppo, and the need for us to arrive first at some sort of humanitarian ceasefire and begin moving towards a political transition of some sort. 关于普京总统，我没有与他正式会晤。我们在会议间隙简短交谈了几句。我与他的谈话与我过去几个月与他的谈话一致，我向他表示，我们仍然对阿萨德政权和俄罗斯军方对阿勒颇民众的持续轰炸造成的流血和混乱深感关切，我们需要首先达成某种人道主义停火，并开始推动某种形式的政治过渡。
And I talked to him about Ukraine and the need for us to get Minsk done. I urged him to instruct his negotiators to work with ourselves, with Frances, with Germany, with Ukraine to see if we can get that done before my term is up. As usual, it was a candid and courteous meeting, but very clear about the strong differences that we have on policy. 我还和他谈到了乌克兰，以及我们需要落实明斯克协议。我敦促他指示他的谈判代表与我们、与法国、与德国、与乌克兰合作，看看能否在我的任期结束前达成协议。和往常一样，这是一次坦诚而礼貌的会晤，但在我们存在的重大政策分歧上，态度非常明确。
The issue of the elections did not come up because that's behind us and I was focused in this brief discussion on moving forward. I had already made very clear to him our concerns around cyberattacks, generally, as well as specific concerns we had surrounding the DNC hack. 选举的问题没有被提起，因为那已经过去了，我在这次简短的交谈中专注于向前看。我已经非常清楚地向他表明了我们对网络攻击的普遍关切，以及我们对民主党全国委员会被黑事件的具体担忧。
I don't think this will be the norm, but as I've said before, the concern I have has less to do with any particular misinformation or propaganda that's being put out by any particular party, and a greater concern about the general misinformation from all kinds of sources -- domestic, foreign, on social media -- that make it very difficult for voters to figure out what's true and what's not. And let me put it this way. 我不认为这会成为常态，但正如我之前所说，我更担心的不是任何特定方发布的虚假信息或宣传，而是来自各种来源——国内的、国外的、社交媒体上的——普遍的虚假信息，这让选民很难分辨真假。我这么说吧。
I think if we have a strong, accurate and responsible press, and we have a strong, civic culture and an engaged citizenry, then various attempts to meddle in our elections won't mean much. 我认为，如果我们有一个强大、准确和负责任的媒体，如果我们有强大的公民文化和积极参与的公民，那么各种干预我们选举的企图都不会有多大意义。
If, generally, we've got elections that aren't focused on issues and are full of fake news and false information and distractions, then the issue is not going to be what's happening from the outside; the issue is going to be what are we doing for ourselves from the inside. The good news is that's something that we have control over. 如果总的来说，我们的选举不聚焦于议题，而是充斥着假新闻、虚假信息和干扰，那么问题就不在于外面发生了什么；问题在于我们从内部为自己做了什么。好消息是，这是我们可以掌控的。
Gardiner Harris. 加德纳·哈里斯。
Question: Mr. President, thanks so much for holding this press conference. If you had had hotels, real estate, and other businesses distributed around the world prior to becoming President, would you have thought it appropriate to sell them off and put the cash proceeds in a blind trust? Or is it okay for the President of the United States to be personally vulnerable to the policy decisions of the foreign leaders he meets and in the foreign policy decisions he makes as President? And also, just briefly, what's your complaint about how the NSA and Cyber Command have done their job? 问：总统先生，非常感谢您举行这次新闻发布会。如果您在成为总统之前，在世界各地有酒店、房地产和其他生意，您会认为卖掉它们、将现金收益放入盲目信托是合适的吗？还是说，美国总统可以在个人层面受制于他所会见的外国领导人的政策决定、以及他作为总统所做的外交政策决定的影响？另外，简单地问一下，您对国家安全局和网络司令部的工作有什么不满吗？
And are you considering firing Admiral Mike Rogers? 您是否考虑解职迈克·罗杰斯上将？
President Obama: That was a rhetorical question, that first one. Rather than comment on hypotheticals, let me say specifically what I did. Obviously, my assets were significantly smaller than some other Presidents or President-elects. But we made a decision to liquidate assets that might raise questions about how it would influence policy. 奥巴马总统：第一个问题是个反问句。与其评论假设性问题，不如让我具体说说我做了什么。显然，我的资产比其他一些总统或候任总统要少得多。但我们决定清算可能引发对政策影响质疑的资产。
I basically had our accountant put all our money in Treasury bills -- the yields, by the way, have not been massive over the course of the last eight years -- just because it simplified my life. I did not have to worry about the complexities of whether a decision that I made might even inadvertently benefit me. 我基本上让我们的会计师把我们所有的钱都买了国库券——顺便说一句，过去八年的收益可不怎么高——只是因为这样能简化我的生活。我不必担心我做出的决定会不会哪怕无意中让我自己受益的复杂问题。
And that's consistent with the broader approach that we've taken throughout my Administration, which is to not just meet the letter of the law, but to go well beyond the letter to the spirit of the law -- not just for me, but for the people in the White House and in our leadership positions. 这与我们在整个政府任期内采取的更广泛做法是一致的，那就是不仅要遵守法律的字面意思，还要超越字面意思，遵守法律的精神——不仅是对我，也是对白宫的工作人员和我们的领导层。
We have established a whole set of rules, norms, playbooks that just keep us far away from the line. Early on in the Administration, there would be questions about could a staff person go to this conference, or what should they do about this gift that was provided. And I think it was maybe our first general counsel who was responsible for setting up our guidelines and rules inside the White House that said, if it sounds like it would be fun, then you can't do it. That's a general test. If it sounds like something you would enjoy or appreciate -- no go. 我们建立了一整套规则、规范和操作指南，让我们远离那条红线。在政府初期，经常会有这样的问题：工作人员能不能去参加这个会议，或者他们应该怎么处理收到的礼物。我想大概是我们的第一任总法律顾问负责在白宫内部制定我们的指导方针和规则，他说，如果听起来像是件乐事，那你就不能去。这是一个通用的测试。如果听起来是你会喜欢或感激的事情——那就别去。
And as a consequence -- and I'll knock on some wood here, because we got two months left -- I am extremely proud of the fact that over eight years we have not had the kinds of scandals that have plagued other Administrations. And when I met with the President-elect, I suggested to him that having a strong White House Counsel that could provide clear guideposts and rules would benefit him and benefit his team because it would eliminate a lot of ambiguity. And I think it will be up to him to make determinations about how he wants to approach it. 因此——我在这里得敲敲木头，因为我们还有两个月时间——我非常自豪的是，八年来我们没有出现过困扰其他政府的那种丑闻。当我与候任总统会面时，我向他建议，拥有一位强有力的白宫法律顾问，能够提供明确的指引和规则，对他和他的团队都有好处，因为这会消除很多模糊性。我想，如何处理这个问题将由他自己决定。
I know what worked for us, and I think it served the American people well. And because I had made a promise to the American people that I would not fall into some of the familiar habits of Washington, that I wanted a new kind of politics, this was one indicator. And at the end of eight years, I think I can say to the American people I delivered on that commitment. 我知道什么对我们有效，我认为这很好地服务了美国人民。因为我向美国人民承诺过，我不会陷入华盛顿的一些老习惯，我想要一种新的政治，这就是其中一个指标。八年结束时，我想我可以对美国人民说，我履行了这一承诺。
With respect to cyber, the NSA, Admiral Rogers is a terrific patriot and has served this country well in a number of positions. I generally don't comment on personnel matters here. I can say generally that we've spent a lot of time over the last several years looking at how we can organize our cyber efforts to keep pace with how rapidly the environment is changing. 关于网络安全问题，国家安全局，罗杰斯上将是一位杰出的爱国者，在多个职位上都为国家服务得很好。我一般不在这里评论人事问题。我可以笼统地说，过去几年我们花了很多时间研究如何组织我们的网络工作，以跟上环境快速变化的步伐。
Increasingly, our critical infrastructure, government data, financial systems are vulnerable to attack. And both state and non-state actors are getting better and better at it, and it is becoming more and more rapid. And it is inevitable that we're doing to have to modernize and update not just the tools we use to defend those assets and the American people, but also how we organize it. And it is true that we are exploring a range of options in terms of how we organize the mission that currently exists. 我们的关键基础设施、政府数据、金融系统越来越容易受到攻击。国家和非国家行为体都越来越擅长此道，而且速度越来越快。不可避免的是，我们不仅要现代化和更新我们用来保护这些资产和美国人民的工具，还要更新我们的组织方式。确实，我们正在探索一系列选项，来组织目前存在的这项使命。
Rich Edson. 里奇·埃德森。
Question: Good evening, and thank you, Mr. President. Earlier this year, former President George W. Bush reportedly said that he worried he would be the last Republican President. Now Republicans have won the White House, control the House and Senate, two-thirds of state legislatures, 34 governorships, and there are charges of a shallow Democratic bench behind you. Are you worried you could be the last Democratic President for a while? And secondly, sir, speaking of your predecessor, he made sure to offer essentially no public criticism of you during your time in office. 问：晚上好，谢谢您，总统先生。今年早些时候，据报道前总统乔治·W·布什曾说，他担心自己会是最后一位共和党总统。现在共和党赢了白宫，控制了参众两院、三分之二的州议会、34个州长职位，还有人说您身后的民主党人才梯队很薄弱。您担心您可能会在一段时间内成为最后一位民主党总统吗？第二个问题，先生，谈到您的前任，他在您任内确保基本上不对您进行公开批评。
Will you equally withhold public criticism for President Trump, even if he attempts to dismantle much of what you’ve accomplished? Thank you. 您会同样不对特朗普总统进行公开批评吗，即使他试图推翻您取得的许多成就？谢谢。
President Obama: Well, no, I'm not worried about being the last Democratic President. I think -- not even for a while. And I say that, not being cute. The Democratic nominee won the popular vote, and obviously this was an extremely competitive race and I would expect that future races will be competitive as well. I certainly think it's true that politics in America right now are a little up for grabs, that some of the old alignments within both parties -- Democrat and Republican -- are being reshaped. 奥巴马总统：嗯，不，我不担心成为最后一位民主党总统。我想——甚至一段时间内都不会。我这么说不是在开玩笑。民主党候选人赢得了普选票，显然这是一场竞争非常激烈的竞选，我预计未来的竞选也会同样激烈。我确实认为，目前美国的政治格局有些不确定，两党——民主党和共和党——内部的一些旧有联盟正在被重塑。
And although the results of this election involved some of the specifics of the candidates and aren't going to be duplicated in every subsequent election, Democrats do have to do some thinking about how do we make sure that the message we have is received effectively and results in winning elections. 尽管这次选举的结果与候选人的一些具体情况有关，不会在每次后续选举中都重现，但民主党确实需要思考，我们如何确保我们的信息被有效接收，并最终赢得选举。
This is something that I've been wrestling with throughout my presidency. When you look at the proposals I put forward, they garner majority support. The majority believes in raising the minimum wage. The majority believes in common-sense gun safety rules. The majority believes in investing to rebuild our infrastructure and create jobs. The majority believes in making sure that people aren't going bankrupt when they get sick. The majority agrees with all the individual components of Obamacare. 这是我整个总统任期内一直在努力解决的问题。看看我提出的提案，它们都获得了多数支持。大多数人相信提高最低工资。大多数人相信常识性的枪支安全规则。大多数人相信投资重建基础设施并创造就业。大多数人相信确保人们不会因为生病而破产。大多数人同意奥巴马医改的所有单独组成部分。
I think there was a Gallup Poll this week, subsequent to the election, that showed that the general public has a more favorable view of Democrats than Republicans. And as I noted, my approval ratings are quite high. And yet what’s been true during the course of my eight years is that does not always translate; in fact, too often it hasn't translated into working majorities either at the state level or at the federal level. 我想本周选举后有一项盖洛普民意调查显示，公众对民主党的看法比对共和党更有利。正如我所指出的，我的支持率相当高。然而，在我八年的任期内，情况一直是，这并不总能转化为胜利；事实上，太多时候它并没有转化为在州级或联邦层面的工作多数。
Now, some of that is just the nature of our system, and geography. As long as Wyoming gets the same number of senators as California, there’s going to be some tilt towards Republicans when it comes to congressional races. The fact that a lot of Democratic voters are bunched up in big cities, and a lot of Republican voters are spread out across geography gives them an advantage when it comes to congressional races. 其中一部分是我们制度的性质，以及地理因素。只要怀俄明州和加利福尼亚州拥有相同数量的参议员，在国会选举中就会有一些对共和党有利的倾斜。许多民主党选民集中在大城市，而许多共和党选民分散在各地，这使他们在国会选举中占有优势。
Some of it is just political bad luck. For example, I came in as an economy was in free fall, and although we took the right steps to save the economy, in my midterm election in 2010, people couldn't yet see the recovery and, not surprisingly, the President’s party got punished. We lost control of a lot of not just congressional seats but also gubernatorial seats and state legislative seats. 其中一部分只是政治上的坏运气。例如，我上任时经济正在自由落体，尽管我们采取了正确的措施来拯救经济，但在2010年的中期选举中，人们还看不到复苏，不出所料，总统的政党受到了惩罚。我们不仅失去了很多国会席位，还失去了州长席位和州议会席位。
And that happened to be the year that the Census is done and you start doing redistricting, and those Republicans took advantage of political gerrymandering to lock in majorities, even though in numerous subsequent elections, Democrats have actually cast more votes -- or more votes have been cast for Democratic congressional candidates than Republican. And yet you end up having large Republican majorities. 而那一年正好是人口普查年，开始重新划分选区，那些共和党人利用政治上的选区划分来锁定多数席位，尽管在随后的多次选举中，民主党人实际上获得了更多的选票——或者说，民主党国会候选人获得的选票比共和党人多。但最终共和党还是拥有了大量多数席位。
So there are just some structural problems that we have to deal with. But, look, you can't make excuses about the rules. That's the deal, and we got to do better. 所以我们确实有一些结构性问题需要解决。但是，听着，你不能拿规则当借口。规则就是这样，我们得做得更好。
And I think doing better, as I said, involves us working at the grassroots; not ceding territory; going out into areas where right now we may not stand a chance of actually winning but we're building up a cadre of young talent; we're making arguments; we're persuading; we're talking about the things that matter to ordinary people, day to day, and trying to avoid some of the constant distractions that fill up people’s Twitter accounts. 我认为做得更好，正如我所说，包括我们在基层开展工作；不放弃任何领地；深入那些我们现在可能没有胜算的地区，但我们在那里培养年轻人才；我们在阐述论点；我们在说服；我们在谈论对普通人日常生活重要的事情，并努力避免充斥人们推特账户的那些持续不断的干扰。
And if we do that, then I'm confident that we'll be back on track. I don't think that there has to be a complete overhaul here. I think that there does have to be better organization, a smarter message. And one message I do have for Democrats is that a strategy that's just micro-targeting particular, discrete groups in a Democratic coalition sometimes will win you elections, but it's not going to win you the broad mandate that you need. 如果我们这样做，我相信我们会回到正轨。我认为不需要彻底改革。我认为确实需要更好的组织、更明智的信息传递。我给民主党人的一个信息是，一个仅仅是微目标定位民主党联盟中特定、离散群体的策略，有时可能帮你赢得选举，但它不会赢得你所需的广泛授权。
And ultimately, the more we can talk about what we have in common as a nation, and speak to a broad set of values, a vision that speaks to everybody and not just one group at a time, the better off we're going to be. 归根结底，我们越是能谈论我们作为一个国家的共同之处，越是能诉诸一套广泛的价值观、一种能对每个人说话而不只是一次对一个群体说话的愿景，我们就会越好。
I think that's part of the reason why I was able to get elected twice, is that I always tried to make sure that, not only in proposals but also in message, that I was speaking to everybody. 我认为这是我能够两次当选的部分原因，那就是我总是努力确保，不仅在提案中，而且在信息传递中，我是在对每个人说话。
You had a second part to your question? 你的问题还有第二部分？
Question: [Inaudible.] 问：[听不清。]
President Obama: Ah. Look, I've said before, President Bush could not have been more gracious to me when I came in. And my intention is to, certainly for the next two months, is finish my job. And then, after that, to take Michelle on vacation, get some rest, spend time with my girls, and do some writing, do some thinking. So I want to be respectful of the office and give the President-elect an opportunity to put forward his platform and his arguments without somebody popping off in every instance. 奥巴马总统：啊。听着，我之前说过，布什总统在我上任时对我无比宽厚。我的打算是，至少在接下来的两个月里，完成我的工作。然后，在那之后，带米歇尔去度假，休息一下，陪陪女儿们，写点东西，思考一些问题。所以我想尊重这个职位，给候任总统一个机会来提出他的施政纲领和论点，而不是有人时不时跳出来放话。
As an American citizen who cares deeply about our country, if there are issues that have less to do with the specifics of some legislative proposal or battle, but go to core questions about our values and our ideals, and if I think that it's necessary or helpful for me to defend those ideals, then I'll examine it when it comes. But what I do know is, is that I have to take Michelle on vacation. 作为一个深切关心我们国家的美国公民，如果有一些问题与其说与某项立法提案或斗争的具体细节有关，不如说关乎我们的价值观和理想的核心问题，如果我认为有必要或有助于我捍卫这些理想，那么届时我会考虑的。但我知道的是，我必须带米歇尔去度假。
Juliet Eilperin. 朱丽叶·艾尔珀林。
Question: Thanks, Mr. President. 问：谢谢总统先生。
Given what you just said about the strong differences that you and President Putin have on the future of Syria and the conflict there, can you talk a little about how you see that unfolding, both at the end of your tenure, at the beginning of Donald Trump’s, and whether you have concerns that even if we eliminate the Islamic state in eastern Syria and western Iraq, you may be allowing a permanent al Qaeda safe haven around Aleppo and [inaudible.] And on Aleppo, can you say to what extent you think the United States has fulfilled its responsibility to protect in that instance? 鉴于您刚才谈到的您和普京总统在叙利亚未来及那里冲突问题上的严重分歧，您能否谈谈您如何看待这一局势的发展——在您任期结束时和特朗普上任初期——以及您是否担心，即使我们消灭了叙利亚东部和伊拉克西部的伊斯兰国，您可能也在让阿勒颇周围的基地组织永久避风港存在下去[听不清]。关于阿勒颇，您能说一下您认为美国在多大程度上履行了保护责任吗？
And then, in terms of finishing your job, which you just mentioned, last week you exercised your executive authority on multiple fronts -- finalizing oil and gas leasing rules on public lands, as well as issuing a five-year leasing plan, banning drilling in the Arctic and the Atlantic. Many Republicans say that you should hold off finalizing anymore rules as you're headed out the door because they oppose many of them -- when they control both the executive and legislative branch next year. What do you say to that suggestion? 另外，关于您刚才提到的完成您的工作，上周您在多个方面行使了行政权力——最终确定公共土地上的油气租赁规则，以及发布五年租赁计划，禁止在北极和大西洋进行钻探。许多共和党人说，您在即将离任之际应该暂停出台更多规则，因为他们反对其中许多规则——明年他们将同时控制行政和立法部门。您对这个建议有什么看法？
President Obama: Well, on the second question, these are the same Republicans who suggested that they didn’t need to confirm a Supreme Court justice when I was nine months out until the next election. I think their general approach seems to be that probably two days after my reelection, I should stop until the next election. I don't think that that's what the Constitution calls for. 奥巴马总统：关于第二个问题，就是这些共和党人，他们曾建议说，在我还有九个月任期的时候，他们不需要确认一位最高法院大法官，要等下一次选举。我觉得他们的一般态度似乎是，大概在我连任两天后，我就该停下来直到下一次选举。我不认为这是宪法的要求。
The regulations that we have issued are ones that we've been working on for a very long time. They’ve been subject to extensive public notice and comment, and everybody has known they’ve been out there. These aren't things that we've been surprising people with. They’re well-considered, they’re the right thing to do. They’re part of my task of finishing my work. 我们发布的这些法规是我们已经研究了很长时间的。它们经过了广泛的公众通知和评论，每个人都知道它们的存在。这些不是我们突然拿出来让大家惊讶的东西。它们是经过深思熟虑的，是正确的做法。它们是我完成工作的一部分。
And I recognize that when the new Administration comes in, and a new Congress comes in, that they will have the option of trying to undo some of those rules and regulations that we've put in place. And that's their prerogative. That's part of how democracy works. But I feel very strongly these are the right things to do, and I'm going to make sure I do them. 我认识到，当新政府上台、新国会产生时，他们可以选择尝试撤销我们制定的一些规则和条例。那是他们的特权。这是民主运作的一部分。但我坚信这些是正确的事情，我会确保我去做。
With respect to Syria, as I said I think even on this trip in a previous press conference, I am not optimistic about the short-term prospects in Syria. Once Russia and Iran made a decision to back Assad in a brutal air campaign and essentially a pacification of Aleppo, regardless of the potential for civilian casualties, children being killed or wounded, schools or hospitals being destroyed, then it was very hard to see a way in which even a trained and committed moderate opposition could hold its ground for long periods of time. 关于叙利亚，正如我在这次出访的上一次新闻发布会上所说，我对叙利亚的短期前景并不乐观。一旦俄罗斯和伊朗决定支持阿萨德，发动残酷的空袭，实质上就是对阿勒颇进行绥靖，不顾可能造成的平民伤亡、儿童死伤、学校或医院被毁，那么就很难看到即使是训练有素、意志坚定的温和派反对派如何能长期坚守阵地。
And the issue that obviously I've wrestled with for the last five years -- how involved should the United States be? What are our legal constraints in such involvement? What are our moral obligations? What are our strategic interests? Those haven't changed. 显然，过去五年我一直在思考的问题——美国应该介入多深？我们在这种介入中有什么法律约束？我们的道德义务是什么？我们的战略利益是什么？这些都没有改变。
I continue to believe that we did not have a legal basis for military intervention there; that it would have been a strategic mistake given the work we still had to do in Iraq, the counter-ISIL campaign, ongoing operations in Afghanistan; that we had worked tirelessly to arrive at a political transition of some sort that could alleviate the suffering and provide humanitarian access. And we will continue to do that work all the way until the last day that me and John Kerry and others have the authority to speak for the United States government. 我仍然认为，我们没有在那里进行军事干预的法律依据；考虑到我们在伊拉克仍有工作要做、打击伊斯兰国的战役、阿富汗正在进行的行动，那将是一个战略错误；我们不懈努力推动某种形式的政治过渡，以减轻痛苦并提供人道主义通道。我们将继续这项工作，直到我和约翰·克里及其他人有权代表美国政府发言的最后一天。
But ultimately, it takes two -- or in this case, four, or six, or eight -- to tango. And we're just not getting help or interest from those parties that are supporting Assad, and Assad, as a consequence, has been emboldened. Look, this is a man who has decided that destroying his country, turning it to rubble, and seeing its population scattered or killed was worth it for him to cling to power, when he had the option to peacefully engage in a transition that could have kept the country intact. That's his mentality. That's not a mentality we support. 但归根结底，这需要两——或者在这种情况下，四、六、八个——方才能共舞。我们就是没有得到那些支持阿萨德的各方的帮助或兴趣，因此阿萨德变得更加有恃无恐。听着，这个人已经决定，摧毁他的国家、把它变成废墟、让人民流离失所或死亡，对他来说值得，只要他能抓住权力，而他本可以选择和平地进行过渡，以保持国家完整。那是他的心态。那不是我们支持的心态。
That's a mentality that the Russians and the Iranians have been willing to support. But at this stage, we're going to need to have a change in how all parties think about this in order for us to end the situation there. 这是俄罗斯和伊朗一直愿意支持的心态。但在现阶段，我们需要所有各方改变对这个问题的看法，我们才能结束那里的局势。
Now, our ability to go after ISIL I think can be sustained. There’s no doubt that there will continue to be extremist forces in and around Syria because it's still going to be in chaos for quite some time. There will be elements in Iraq, just as there have been elements in Afghanistan even after the Taliban we're swept out, even after we killed bin Laden. But I think we can effectively reduce the risk and take their key external operators off the field. 现在，我们打击伊斯兰国的能力我认为是可以持续的。毫无疑问，叙利亚境内和周边将继续存在极端主义势力，因为那里在相当长一段时间内仍将处于混乱之中。伊拉克也会有残余势力，就像即使在塔利班被推翻、即使在我们击毙本·拉登之后，阿富汗仍有残余势力一样。但我认为我们可以有效地降低风险，并消灭他们的主要海外行动人员。
The thing I'm probably most concerned about is making sure that even as we do that, U.S. policy, U.S. statements, U.S. positions don't further radicalize Muslims around the world, or alienate and potentially law-abiding Muslims who are living in Europe or the United States. And that's why I think it's important for us to understand those are our key allies in this fight, not enemies. 我可能最担心的是，确保即使我们这样做，美国的政策、美国的声明、美国的立场不会进一步激化世界各地的穆斯林，或疏远和潜在地使生活在欧洲或美国的守法穆斯林走向极端。这就是为什么我认为重要的是，我们要明白他们是我们这场斗争中的关键盟友，而不是敌人。
Mike Memoli. 迈克·梅莫利。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. This final foreign trip of your presidency is obviously playing out in very different circumstances than you might have expected. A very different transition is underway than the one you might have envisioned. Given that, though, I wonder if you intentionally sought to approach this trip reflecting more on the powers of and influence of the presidency on the world stage so that you might be able to offer the kind of counsel to your successor that he has said he hopes to draw upon. 问：谢谢您，总统先生。您总统任期内的最后一次出访显然是在与您可能预期的非常不同的情况下进行的。正在进行的权力交接与您可能设想的非常不同。不过，鉴于此，我想知道，您是否有意通过这次出访，更多地反思总统职位在世界舞台上的力量和影响力，以便您能够向您的继任者提供那种他表示希望借鉴的建议？
And also, on a political note, you talked often during your reelection campaign about this fever that had consumed the Republican Party, an effective political strategy that they employed to block you even on issues where there might have been some common ground. What would be your advice to Democrats who might see that kind of strategy as the same kind of path to taking back power that the Republicans employed? And related to that, what would your advice be to House Democrats about whether or not to reelect Nancy Pelosi as the party leader in the House? 另外，从政治角度来说，您在连任竞选期间经常谈到那种吞噬了共和党的"高烧"，以及他们用来阻挠您的有效政治策略，即使在一些可能存在共识的问题上也是如此。对于那些可能将这种策略视为夺回权力的途径——就像共和党人所做的那样——的民主党人，您有什么建议？与此相关的是，对于众议院民主党人是否应该再次选举南希·佩洛西为众议院民主党领袖，您有什么建议？
President Obama: I'll work in reverse. I think Nancy Pelosi is an outstanding and historic political leader. So much of what we accomplished was accomplished because of her smarts, her tenacity, her legislative skill. And I don't normally meddle with party votes, and certainly on my way out the door, probably I shouldn’t meddle here. But I cannot speak highly enough of Nancy Pelosi. She combines strong, progressive values with just extraordinary political skill. And she does stuff that's tough, not just stuff that's easy. 奥巴马总统：我倒着回答吧。我认为南希·佩洛西是一位杰出的、具有历史意义的政治领袖。我们取得的这么多成就都是因为她的智慧、她的坚韧、她的立法才能。我通常不干涉党内投票，而且在我即将离任之际，可能我也不应该在这里干涉。但我对南希·佩洛西的评价再高也不为过。她将坚定的进步价值观与非凡的政治技巧结合在一起。她做的是难事，而不只是易事。
She’s done stuff that's unpopular in her own base because it's the right thing to do for the American people. I think she’s a remarkable leader. 她做过在自己基础上不受欢迎的事情，因为那对美国人民来说是正确的事。我认为她是一位了不起的领袖。
With respect to Democrats and Republicans and how Democrats should deal with a new Administration, I think you give them a hearing. I certainly don't want them to do what Mitch McConnell did when I was elected -- meet the day of and say our sole objective is to not cooperate with him on anything even if the country is about to go into a depression, so that we can gain seats in the midterms and ultimately defeat him. 关于民主党和共和党，以及民主党应该如何与新政府打交道，我认为你应该给他们一个听证的机会。我当然不希望他们做米奇·麦康奈尔在我当选时做的事——就在当选当天开会，说我们唯一的目标就是不与他合作任何事情，即使国家即将陷入大萧条，这样我们就能在中期选举中获得席位，并最终击败他。
That's not why the American people send us to Washington, to play those games. So that's not my advice to Democrats. My advice to Democrats is know what you care about and what you stand for, and fight for your principles even if it's a hard fight. If there are areas where the new Administration is doing something that's going to be good for the American people, find a way to work with him. If you think it's going to be a problem, then say so, and make the argument. 美国人民选我们去华盛顿不是为了玩那些游戏的。所以这不是我给民主党人的建议。我给民主党人的建议是，知道你关心什么、你代表什么，并为你的原则而奋斗，即使这是一场艰苦的战斗。如果新政府在某些领域做的事情对美国人民有利，那就想办法与他合作。如果你认为那会有问题，那就说出来，并据理力争。
The touchstone is, what’s good for the American people. And that's worked for me. That means that at the end of the day -- and at the end of eight years -- I can look back and I can say that I consistently did what I thought was best. It doesn’t mean you don't make mistakes, but it means that you're being true to your oath and the commitments you made to the people who elected you. 试金石是，什么对美国人民有利。这对我很有效。这意味着，归根结底——在八年结束时——我可以回顾过去，可以说我始终如一地做了我认为最好的事情。这并不意味着你不犯错，但意味着你忠于你的誓言和你对选你的人民做出的承诺。
And in terms of reflecting on the U.S. presidency as I've been traveling, I think the main reflection I have and the main advice that I give to the incoming President is the United States really is an indispensable nation in our world order. And I say that as somebody who has gone out of his way to express respect for every country and its people, and to consistently acknowledge that many of the challenges that we face are not challenges that America can solve on its own. 关于我在出访期间对美国总统职位的反思，我认为我主要的反思，以及我给候任总统的主要建议是，美国在我们的世界秩序中确实是一个不可或缺的国家。我这么说，是因为我一直特意表达对每个国家及其人民的尊重，并始终承认我们面临的许多挑战不是美国能够独自解决的。
But what I also know is that the basic framework of the world order coming out of World War II and then on through the end of the Cold War was shaped by a set of ideals and principles that have worked for the vast majority of people -- not just America, but around the world. 但我也知道，二战后、一直到冷战结束时形成的世界秩序基本框架，是由一套为绝大多数人服务的理想和原则塑造的——不只是美国，而是全世界。
The notion of democracy and rule of law, and a free press and independent judiciary, and open markets, and a social welfare state to moderate some off the sharp edges of capitalism, and lifting up issues of human rights, and investing in public health and development not just within our own borders but elsewhere in the world. And working with multilateral institutions, like the United Nations; making sure that were upholding international norms and rules. 民主和法治的理念，以及新闻自由和司法独立，以及开放市场，以及缓和资本主义某些尖锐棱角的社会福利国家，以及提升人权议题，以及不仅在我们境内、也在世界其他地方投资于公共卫生和发展。以及与联合国等多边机构合作；确保我们维护国际规范和规则。
That's what’s made the modern world. And there have been times where we, ourselves, have not observed some of these norms as well as we should, and have been accused of hypocrisy. Here in Latin America, there have been times where countries felt disrespected and, on occasion, had cause for that. There are times where we haven't observed these values in our own country and have fallen short of our ideals. But that basic structure is the reason why the world is much wealthier, much more secure, and, yes, less violent, healthier, better educated, more tolerant than it was 50 years ago. 这就是现代世界的由来。也曾有过我们自己没有很好地遵守其中一些规范的时候，并被指责为虚伪。在拉丁美洲这里，曾有过各国感到不受尊重的时候，而且有时是有理由的。也曾有过我们在自己国家没有遵守这些价值观、未能达到我们理想的时候。但这个基本结构是世界比50年前富裕得多、安全得多、而且是的，暴力更少、更健康、教育程度更高、更宽容的原因。
And that requires constant work. It doesn’t just happen on its own. I've said this in Europe. I've said this in places where there’s this pushback against this modern order. But you take an example like Europe -- before that order was imposed, we had two world wars in the span of 30 years. In the second one, 60 million people were killed. Not half a million, not a million, but 60 million. Entire continents in rubble. 而这需要持续的努力。它不会自己发生。我在欧洲说过这话。在那些抵制这种现代秩序的地方我也说过这话。但以欧洲为例——在那个秩序建立之前，我们在30年间打了两次世界大战。第二次世界大战中，6000万人丧生。不是50万，不是100万，而是6000万。整个大陆成为废墟。
In places like the Asia Pacific, before that order existed, you routinely saw famines of millions of people -- not just concerns about low wages, but people dying because they didn’t have any food or drinking water, or died of cholera or simple diseases -- if somebody had some penicillin. 在亚太地区这样的地方，在那个秩序存在之前，你经常看到数百万人的饥荒——不只是对低工资的担忧，而是人们因为没有食物或饮用水而死亡，或死于霍乱或简单的疾病——如果有人有青霉素的话。
And so what I would say would be that we all share responsibilities for improving that order and maintaining it, and making sure it's more inclusive, and delivers greater hope and prosperity for more corners of the world. We all have responsibilities -- every nation -- in respecting the dignity and worth of their citizens. And America can't do it all for everybody else. There are limits to our reach into other countries if they’re determined to oppress their people, or not provide girls education, or siphon off development funds into Swiss bank accounts because they’re corrupt. 所以我想说的是，我们都有责任改善和维护这个秩序，确保它更具包容性，为世界更多角落带来更大的希望和繁荣。我们都有责任——每个国家——尊重其公民的尊严和价值。美国不能替所有人做所有事。如果其他国家决心压迫其人民，或不提供女童教育，或因为腐败将发展资金转入瑞士银行账户，我们的影响力是有限的。
We're not going to be able to handle every problem. 我们不可能处理每一个问题。
But the American President and the United States of America -- if we're not on the side of what’s right, if we're not making the argument and fighting for it, even if sometimes we're not able to deliver at 100 percent everywhere -- then it collapses. And there’s nobody to fill the void. There really isn't. There are other very important countries -- like a China -- where if it weren't for China’s cooperation, we couldn't have gotten the Paris agreement done. 但美国总统和美利坚合众国——如果我们不站在正义一边，如果我们不为此据理力争、为之奋斗，即使有时我们不能在每个地方都百分之百地实现——那么这个秩序就会崩溃。没有人来填补这个空白。真的没有。还有其他非常重要的国家——比如中国——如果没有中国的合作，我们就无法达成巴黎协定。
But China is not the one who was going around organizing 200 nations to sign on to a Paris agreement, or putting together the paper and the policy outlines and the conceptual framework. 但中国不是那个四处组织200个国家签署巴黎协定、或起草文件和政策大纲和概念框架的国家。
Russia is a very significant military power, but they’re not worrying right now about how to rebuild after a hurricane in Haiti. We are. 俄罗斯是一个非常重要的军事强国，但他们现在不担心海地飓风后如何重建。我们在担心。
And I've said before, that's a burden that we should carry proudly. And I would hope that not just the 45th President of the United States, but every President of the United States understands that that's not only a burden, but it's also an extraordinary privilege. And if you have a chance to do that right, then you should seize it. 我之前说过，这是我们应该骄傲地承担的重担。我希望，不仅是美国第45任总统，每一位美国总统都明白，这不仅是一个重担，也是一种非凡的特权。如果你有机会正确地做到这一点，你就应该抓住它。
All right? Thank you, everybody. 好吗？谢谢大家。
