Good afternoon, everybody. Please have a seat. 大家下午好，请坐。
Over the past few weeks, I’ve been talking about what I believe should be our number-one priority as a country -- building a better bargain for the middle class and for Americans who want to work their way into the middle class. At the same time, I’m focused on my number-one responsibility as Commander-in-Chief, and that's keeping the American people safe. And in recent days, we’ve been reminded once again about the threats to our nation. 过去几周，我一直在谈我认为国家的首要任务：让中产阶级和努力跻身中产阶级的美国人得到更公平的待遇。同时，我也始终关注作为三军统帅的首要责任，那就是保护美国人民。最近几天，我们再次被提醒，国家仍面临威胁。
As I said at the National Defense University back in May, in meeting those threats we have to strike the right balance between protecting our security and preserving our freedoms. And as part of this rebalancing, I called for a review of our surveillance programs. Unfortunately, rather than an orderly and lawful process to debate these issues and come up with appropriate reforms, repeated leaks of classified information have initiated the debate in a very passionate, but not always fully informed way. 正如我五月在国防大学所说，面对这些威胁，我们必须在保障安全与维护自由之间取得适当平衡。作为调整的一部分，我要求审查监控项目。遗憾的是，本应通过有序、合法的程序讨论问题并制定适当改革，如今接连泄露的机密信息却以激烈、又未必充分了解事实的方式引发了辩论。
Now, keep in mind that as a senator, I expressed a healthy skepticism about these programs, and as President, I’ve taken steps to make sure they have strong oversight by all three branches of government and clear safeguards to prevent abuse and protect the rights of the American people. But given the history of abuse by governments, it’s right to ask questions about surveillance -- particularly as technology is reshaping every aspect of our lives. 请记住，我当参议员时就对这些项目保持审慎的怀疑态度。担任总统后，我采取措施，确保政府三大分支都进行严格监督，并有清晰的防滥用措施保护美国人民的权利。但鉴于政府曾滥用权力的历史，质询监控活动是正确的，尤其是在技术重塑我们生活方方面面的今天。
I’m also mindful of how these issues are viewed overseas, because American leadership around the world depends upon the example of American democracy and American openness -- because what makes us different from other countries is not simply our ability to secure our nation, it’s the way we do it -- with open debate and democratic process. 我也留意海外如何看待这些问题，因为美国的全球领导力取决于美国民主与开放所树立的榜样。美国与其他国家的不同之处，不仅在于能够保障国家安全，还在于我们通过公开辩论和民主程序来做到这一点。
In other words, it’s not enough for me, as President, to have confidence in these programs. The American people need to have confidence in them as well. And that's why, over the last few weeks, I’ve consulted members of Congress who come at this issue from many different perspectives. I’ve asked the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board to review where our counterterrorism efforts and our values come into tension, and I directed my national security team to be more transparent and to pursue reforms of our laws and practices. 换句话说，仅仅让我作为总统信任这些项目还不够，美国人民也必须信任。因此，过去几周，我与对此抱有不同看法的国会议员交流；请隐私与公民自由监督委员会审查反恐工作与我们的价值观在哪些地方产生冲突；并指示国家安全团队提高透明度，推动法律与实际做法的改革。
And so, today, I’d like to discuss four specific steps -- not all inclusive, but some specific steps that we’re going to be taking very shortly to move the debate forward. 今天，我想谈四项具体措施。它们并非全部措施，但我们很快就会采取，以推动讨论。
First, I will work with Congress to pursue appropriate reforms to Section 215 of the Patriot Act -- the program that collects telephone records. As I’ve said, this program is an important tool in our effort to disrupt terrorist plots. And it does not allow the government to listen to any phone calls without a warrant. But given the scale of this program, I understand the concerns of those who would worry that it could be subject to abuse. 首先，我将与国会合作，适当改革《爱国者法》第215条，也就是收集电话记录的项目。正如我说过的，它是挫败恐怖袭击阴谋的重要工具，并不允许政府在没有搜查令的情况下窃听任何通话。但考虑到项目规模，我理解人们担心它可能遭到滥用。
So after having a dialogue with members of Congress and civil libertarians, I believe that there are steps we can take to give the American people additional confidence that there are additional safeguards against abuse. 我与国会议员及公民自由倡导者交流后，相信我们可以采取措施，增设防滥用保障，让美国人民更加安心。
For instance, we can take steps to put in place greater oversight, greater transparency, and constraints on the use of this authority. So I look forward to working with Congress to meet those objectives. 例如，可以加强监督与透明度，限制相关权力的使用。我期待与国会合作实现这些目标。
Second, I’ll work with Congress to improve the public’s confidence in the oversight conducted by the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, known as the FISC. The FISC was created by Congress to provide judicial review of certain intelligence activities so that a federal judge must find that our actions are consistent with the Constitution. However, to build greater confidence, I think we should consider some additional changes to the FISC. 第二，我会与国会合作，增强公众对外国情报监控法院监督工作的信心。国会设立这座法院，是为了对某些情报活动进行司法审查，让联邦法官确认政府行动符合宪法。但为了建立更大信任，我认为应考虑对它作出进一步调整。
One of the concerns that people raise is that a judge reviewing a request from the government to conduct programmatic surveillance only hears one side of the story -- may tilt it too far in favor of security, may not pay enough attention to liberty. And while I’ve got confidence in the court and I think they’ve done a fine job, I think we can provide greater assurances that the court is looking at these issues from both perspectives -- security and privacy. 人们提出的一项担忧是：法官审查政府开展系统性监控的申请时，只听到一方陈述，可能过于偏重安全而忽视自由。虽然我信任法院，也认为它做得不错，但我们可以更有力地确保法院同时从安全与隐私两个角度审视这些问题。
So, specifically, we can take steps to make sure civil liberties concerns have an independent voice in appropriate cases by ensuring that the government’s position is challenged by an adversary. 具体来说，在适当案件中，我们可以让公民自由方面有独立的声音，由对立方质询政府主张。
Number three, we can, and must, be more transparent. So I’ve directed the intelligence community to make public as much information about these programs as possible. We’ve already declassified unprecedented information about the NSA, but we can go further. So at my direction, the Department of Justice will make public the legal rationale for the government’s collection activities under Section 215 of the Patriot Act. The NSA is taking steps to put in place a full-time civil liberties and privacy officer, and released information that details its mission, authorities, and oversight. 第三，我们能够、也必须更加透明。我已指示情报界尽可能公开这些项目的信息。我们已解密有关国家安全局的空前数量的信息，但还能做得更多。按照我的指示，司法部将公开政府依据《爱国者法》第215条收集数据的法律依据。国家安全局正在设立全职公民自由与隐私官，并已发布说明其使命、权限和监督机制的资料。
And finally, the intelligence community is creating a website that will serve as a hub for further transparency, and this will give Americans and the world the ability to learn more about what our intelligence community does and what it doesn’t do, how it carries out its mission, and why it does so. 最后，情报界正在建立一个网站，作为进一步提高透明度的信息中心，让美国人民和世界了解情报部门做什么、不做什么，怎样履行使命，以及为什么这样做。
Fourth, we’re forming a high-level group of outside experts to review our entire intelligence and communications technologies. We need new thinking for a new era. We now have to unravel terrorist plots by finding a needle in the haystack of global telecommunications. And meanwhile, technology has given governments -- including our own -- unprecedented capability to monitor communications. 第四，我们正组建一个由外部专家组成的高级小组，全面审查情报与通信技术。在新时代，我们需要新思路。如今，我们必须从全球电信通信的草堆里找出恐怖阴谋这根针。同时，技术也让包括我国在内的各国政府，拥有前所未有的通信监控能力。
So I am tasking this independent group to step back and review our capabilities -- particularly our surveillance technologies. And they’ll consider how we can maintain the trust of the people, how we can make sure that there absolutely is no abuse in terms of how these surveillance technologies are used, ask how surveillance impacts our foreign policy -- particularly in an age when more and more information is becoming public. 因此，我将请这个独立小组退后一步，审查我们的能力，尤其是监控技术。他们将考虑如何维持人民的信任，怎样确保技术的使用绝无滥用，并研究监控如何影响外交政策，特别是在越来越多信息公开的时代。
And they will provide an interim report in 60 days and a final report by the end of this year, so that we can move forward with a better understanding of how these programs impact our security, our privacy, and our foreign policy. 小组将在六十天内提交中期报告，并于年底前提交最终报告，以便我们更好地了解这些项目对安全、隐私和外交政策的影响，再决定如何前进。
So all these steps are designed to ensure that the American people can trust that our efforts are in line with our interests and our values. And to others around the world, I want to make clear once again that America is not interested in spying on ordinary people. Our intelligence is focused, above all, on finding the information that’s necessary to protect our people, and -- in many cases -- protect our allies. 所有这些措施，都是为了让美国人民相信，我们的行动符合国家利益和价值观。我也要再次向世界各地的人说明，美国无意监视普通人。情报工作的首要目标，是寻找保护美国人民、在许多情况下也保护盟友所需的信息。
It’s true we have significant capabilities. What’s also true is we show a restraint that many governments around the world don't even think to do, refuse to show -- and that includes, by the way, some of America’s most vocal critics. We shouldn’t forget the difference between the ability of our government to collect information online under strict guidelines and for narrow purposes, and the willingness of some other governments to throw their own citizens in prison for what they say online. 我们的能力确实很强。但同样真实的是，我们采取了许多政府连想都不愿想、更不肯实行的克制，其中还包括一些最严厉批评美国的国家。不要忘记两者的差别：我们的政府在严格准则下，为有限目的收集网上信息；另一些政府却愿意仅因公民在网上说了什么就将他们投入监狱。
And let me close with one additional thought. The men and women of our intelligence community work every single day to keep us safe because they love this country and believe in our values. They're patriots. And I believe that those who have lawfully raised their voices on behalf of privacy and civil liberties are also patriots who love our country and want it to live up to our highest ideals. 最后再说一点。情报部门的男女工作人员每天都在保护我们，因为他们热爱这个国家，相信我们的价值观。他们是爱国者。我也相信，那些合法发声、维护隐私与公民自由的人同样是爱国者；他们爱这个国家，希望它实现最崇高的理想。
So this is how we’re going to resolve our differences in the United States -- through vigorous public debate, guided by our Constitution, with reverence for our history as a nation of laws, and with respect for the facts. 在美国，我们就是这样化解分歧：依据宪法，尊重法治国家的历史与事实，展开充分的公开辩论。
So, with that, I’m going to take some questions. And let’s see who we’ve got here. We’re going to start with Julie Pace of AP. 现在我来回答一些问题。看看先请谁。先请美联社的朱莉·佩斯。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. I wanted to ask about some of the foreign policy fallout from the disclosure of the NSA programs that you discussed. Your spokesman said yesterday that there’s no question that the U.S. relationship with Russia has gotten worse since Vladimir Putin took office. How much of that decline do you attribute directly to Mr. Putin, given that you seem to have had a good working relationship with his predecessor? Also will there be any additional punitive measures taken against Russia for granting asylum to Edward Snowden? 记者：谢谢，总统先生。我想问，您刚谈到的国家安全局项目被披露后，在外交上产生了什么影响。您的发言人昨天说，自弗拉基米尔·普京上台以来，美俄关系无疑恶化了。考虑到您似乎与他的前任合作良好，您认为关系恶化有多少直接归因于普京？另外，俄罗斯给予爱德华·斯诺登庇护，美国会采取额外惩罚措施吗？
Or is canceling the September summit really all you can do given the host of issues the U.S. needs Russian cooperation for? Thank you. 还是说，考虑到美国在许多事务上需要俄方合作，取消九月的峰会已经是您所能做的全部？谢谢。
President Obama: Good. I think there’s always been some tension in the U.S.-Russian relationship after the fall of the Soviet Union. There’s been cooperation in some areas; there’s been competition in others. 奥巴马总统：好。我认为苏联解体后，美俄关系一直存在一定紧张。有些领域合作，有些领域竞争。
It is true that in my first four years, in working with President Medvedev, we made a lot of progress. We got START done -- or START II done. We were able to cooperate together on Iran sanctions. They provided us help in terms of supplying our troops in Afghanistan. We were able to get Russia into the WTO -- which is not just good for Russia, it’s good for our companies and businesses because they're more likely then to follow international norms and rules. So there's been a lot of good work that has been done and that is going to continue to be done. 我第一任期与梅德韦杰夫总统合作时，确实取得不少进展。我们完成了《新削减战略武器条约》，共同推动对伊朗的制裁。俄罗斯帮助我们向驻阿富汗部队运送补给。我们还促成俄罗斯加入世界贸易组织。这不只对俄罗斯有利，也对美国企业有利，因为这会促使他们遵守国际规范与规则。因此，我们做了许多有益工作，今后还会继续。
What's also true is, is that when President Putin -- who was prime minister when Medvedev was president -- came back into power I think we saw more rhetoric on the Russian side that was anti-American, that played into some of the old stereotypes about the Cold War contests between the United States and Russia. And I've encouraged Mr. Putin to think forward as opposed to backwards on those issues -- with mixed success. 同样真实的是，曾在梅德韦杰夫任总统时担任总理的普京重新掌权后，俄方出现更多反美言论，利用了美俄冷战对抗的一些旧刻板印象。我曾鼓励普京向前看，而不是回头看，但成效参差不齐。
And I think the latest episode is just one more in a number of emerging differences that we've seen over the last several months around Syria, around human rights issues, where it is probably appropriate for us to take a pause, reassess where it is that Russia is going, what our core interests are, and calibrate the relationship so that we're doing things that are good for the United States and hopefully good for Russia as well, but recognizing that there just are going to be some differences and we're not going to be able to completely disguise them. 最近的事件只是过去几个月双方在叙利亚、人权等问题上显现的一系列分歧中的又一例。我们或许应该暂停一下，重新评估俄罗斯的方向、我们的核心利益，再调整两国关系，既做有利于美国的事，也希望能有利于俄罗斯，同时承认双方确有一些分歧，无法完全掩饰。
And that's okay. Keep in mind that although I'm not attending the summit, I'll still be going to St. Petersburg because Russia is hosting the G20. That's important business in terms of our economy and our jobs and all the issues that are of concern to Americans. 这没关系。请记住，虽然我不参加双边峰会，仍会前往圣彼得堡，因为俄罗斯要主办二十国集团会议。它涉及经济、就业和美国人关心的其他问题，是重要事务。
I know that one question that's been raised is how do we approach the Olympics. I want to just make very clear right now I do not think it's appropriate to boycott the Olympics. We've got a bunch of Americans out there who are training hard, who are doing everything they can to succeed. Nobody is more offended than me by some of the anti-gay and lesbian legislation that you've been seeing in Russia. 我知道有人问该如何对待奥运会。我要明确说，我不认为抵制奥运会恰当。许多美国运动员正在刻苦训练，竭尽全力争取佳绩。俄罗斯出现的一些针对同性恋者的法律，让我极为反感。
But as I said just this week, I've spoken out against that not just with respect to Russia but a number of other countries where we continue to do work with them, but we have a strong disagreement on this issue. 但正如我本周所说，我不只针对俄罗斯，也对其他一些国家的类似法律表示反对。我们仍与那些国家合作，只是在这个问题上存在严重分歧。
And one of the things I'm really looking forward to is maybe some gay and lesbian athletes bringing home the gold or silver or bronze, which I think would go a long way in rejecting the kind of attitudes that we're seeing there. And if Russia doesn't have gay or lesbian athletes, then it probably makes their team weaker. 我很期待一些同性恋运动员把金牌、银牌或铜牌带回家。我认为那会有力反驳俄罗斯出现的那些态度。如果俄罗斯没有同性恋运动员，它的代表队恐怕反而会更弱。
Question: Are there going to be any additional punitive measures for Russia, beyond canceling the summit? 记者：除了取消峰会，美国还会对俄罗斯采取额外惩罚措施吗？
President Obama: Keep in mind that our decision to not participate in the summit was not simply around Mr. Snowden. It had to do with the fact that, frankly, on a whole range of issues where we think we can make some progress, Russia has not moved. And so we don't consider that strictly punitive. 奥巴马总统：请记住，我们决定不参加双边峰会，并非仅仅因为斯诺登。坦率地说，在我们认为本可取得进展的一系列问题上，俄罗斯都没有行动。因此，我们不把这个决定视为纯粹的惩罚。
We're going to assess where the relationship can advance U.S. interests and increase peace and stability and prosperity around the world. Where it can, we’re going to keep on working with them. Where we have differences, we’re going to say so clearly. And my hope is, is that over time, Mr. Putin and Russia recognize that rather than a zero-sum competition, in fact, if the two countries are working together we can probably advance the betterment of both peoples. 我们会评估，两国关系在哪些方面能够推进美国利益，增进世界的和平、稳定与繁荣；能合作的地方就继续合作，存在分歧的地方就明确说出来。我希望随着时间推移，普京和俄罗斯会认识到，两国之间不必是零和竞争。若携手合作，我们很可能让两国人民都过得更好。
Chuck Todd. 查克·托德。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. Given that you just announced a whole bunch of reforms based on essentially the leaks that Edward Snowden made on all of these surveillance programs, is that change -- is your mindset changed about him? Is he now more a whistle-blower than he is a hacker, as you called him at one point, or somebody that shouldn’t be filed charges? And should he be provided more protection? Is he a patriot? You just used those words. And then just to follow up on the personal -- I want to follow up on a personal -- 记者：谢谢，总统先生。您刚宣布了一系列改革，而它们基本上是由爱德华·斯诺登泄露监控项目资料所引发的。这是否改变了您对他的看法？您曾称他为黑客，现在是否更觉得他是举报人，不应受到起诉，应得到更多保护？他是爱国者吗？您刚才用了这个词。另外，我想追问一下个人关系……
President Obama: Okay, I want to make sure -- everybody is asking one question it would be helpful. 奥巴马总统：好，我想确认一下，如果大家每次只问一个问题会更有帮助。
Question: No, I understand. It was a part of a question that you didn’t answer. Can you get stuff done with Russia, big stuff done, without having a good personal relationship with Putin? 记者：我明白。这其实是您尚未回答的问题的一部分。如果您与普京没有良好的私人关系，还能和俄罗斯办成大事吗？
President Obama: I don’t have a bad personal relationship with Putin. When we have conversations, they’re candid, they’re blunt; oftentimes, they’re constructive. I know the press likes to focus on body language and he’s got that kind of slouch, looking like the bored kid in the back of the classroom. But the truth is, is that when we’re in conversations together, oftentimes it’s very productive. 奥巴马总统：我与普京的私人关系并不差。交谈时我们开诚布公，直言不讳，也往往富有建设性。我知道媒体喜欢盯着肢体语言，而他常弯着身子，看起来像坐在教室后排觉得无聊的孩子。但事实上，我们的谈话往往很有成效。
So the issue here really has to do with where do they want to take Russia -- it’s substantive on a policy front. And -- 真正的问题是他们想把俄罗斯带向何方，这是实质性的政策问题。而且……
Question: [Inaudible] 记者：〔听不清〕
President Obama: No. Right now, this is just a matter of where Mr. Putin and the Russian people want to go. I think if they are looking forward into the 21st century and how they can advance their economy, and make sure that some of our joint concerns around counterterrorism are managed effectively, then I think we can work together. If issues are framed as if the U.S. is for it then Russia should be against it, or we’re going to be finding ways where we can poke each other at every opportunity, then probably we don’t get as much stuff done. 奥巴马总统：不。现在的问题在于普京和俄罗斯人民希望走什么道路。如果他们着眼于21世纪，思考怎样发展经济，怎样有效处理我们共同面对的反恐问题，我相信我们能够合作。如果他们把事情看成美国赞成就必须反对，或双方抓住每个机会互相找茬，那我们恐怕就办不成多少事。
See, now I’ve forgotten your first question, which presumably was the more important one. No, I don’t think Mr. Snowden was a patriot. As I said in my opening remarks, I called for a thorough review of our surveillance operations before Mr. Snowden made these leaks. 你看，我现在忘了你的第一个问题，想必那才是更重要的。不，我不认为斯诺登是爱国者。正如我开场时所说，在斯诺登泄密前，我就已要求全面审查我们的监控行动。
My preference -- and I think the American people’s preference -- would have been for a lawful, orderly examination of these laws, a thoughtful fact-based debate that would then lead us to a better place. Because I never made claims that all the surveillance technologies that have developed since the time some of these laws had been put in place somehow didn't require potentially some additional reforms. That's exactly what I called for. 我更希望，我想美国人民也更希望，以合法、有序的方式审视这些法律，通过深思熟虑、以事实为依据的辩论，找到更好的做法。我从未声称，有些法律制定后出现的新监控技术绝不需要进一步改革。要求审查正是为了这个。
So the fact is, is that Mr. Snowden has been charged with three felonies. If, in fact, he believes that what he did was right, then, like every American citizen, he can come here, appear before the court with a lawyer and make his case. If the concern was that somehow this was the only way to get this information out to the public, I signed an executive order well before Mr. Snowden leaked this information that provided whistleblower protection to the intelligence community -- for the first time. 事实上，斯诺登已被控三项重罪。如果他认为自己的行为正确，就可以像每个美国公民一样回到这里，带着律师出庭陈述。如果有人担心，只有泄密才能让公众知道这些信息，我在他泄密前很久就已签署行政命令，首次为情报界提供了举报人保护。
So there were other avenues available for somebody whose conscience was stirred and thought that they needed to question government actions. 因此，良心受到触动、认为政府行为需要受到质询的人，还有其他渠道可走。
But having said that, once the leaks have happened, what we’ve seen is information come out in dribs and in drabs, sometimes coming out sideways. Once the information is out, the administration comes in, tries to correct the record. But by that time, it’s too late or we’ve moved on, and a general impression has, I think, taken hold not only among the American public but also around the world that somehow we’re out there willy-nilly just sucking in information on everybody and doing what we please with it. 话虽如此，泄密发生后，我们看到信息断断续续、时而以失真的方式流出。资料一经公开，政府再来澄清，但那时往往已太迟，或话题已转移。我认为，美国公众乃至世界各地形成了一种总体印象：我们似乎在随意收集所有人的信息，想怎样使用就怎样使用。
That's not the case. Our laws specifically prohibit us from surveilling U.S. persons without a warrant. And there are a whole range of safeguards that have been put in place to make sure that that basic principle is abided by. 事实并非如此。美国法律明确禁止在没有搜查令的情况下监控美国人。为确保这一基本原则得到遵守，也已经建立了多种保障措施。
But what is clear is that whether, because of the instinctive bias of the intelligence community to keep everything very close -- and probably what’s a fair criticism is my assumption that if we had checks and balances from the courts and Congress, that that traditional system of checks and balances would be enough to give people assurance that these programs were run probably -- that assumption I think proved to be undermined by what happened after the leaks. I think people have questions about this program. 但有一点很清楚：情报界本能地倾向于严守秘密，而我原本假设，只要法院和国会形成制衡，传统的权力制衡机制就足以让人们相信这些项目得到妥善运行。或许可以公正地批评我的这一假设。泄密后的反应证明，它没有站住脚。人们确实对项目有疑问。
And so, as a consequence, I think it is important for us to go ahead and answer these questions. What I’m going to be pushing the IC to do is rather than have a trunk come out here and leg come out there and a tail come out there, let’s just put the whole elephant out there so people know exactly what they're looking at. Let’s examine what is working, what’s not, are there additional protections that can be put in place, and let’s move forward. 因此，我们有必要回答这些问题。我会推动情报界不要只露出象鼻、象腿或尾巴，而要把整头大象摆出来，让人们清楚看到全貌。我们要审视哪些做法有效、哪些无效，能否增设保障，然后继续前进。
And there’s no doubt that Mr. Snowden’s leaks triggered a much more rapid and passionate response than would have been the case if I had simply appointed this review board to go through, and I had sat down with Congress and we had worked this thing through. It would have been less exciting. It would not have generated as much press. I actually think we would have gotten to the same place, and we would have done so without putting at risk our national security and some very vital ways that we are able to get intelligence that we need to secure the country. 毫无疑问，斯诺登泄密引起的反应，比我任命审查小组、与国会坐下来按程序处理时会有的反应，更迅速也更激烈。后一种方式不会那么轰动，也不会引来那么多报道。但我认为我们本会抵达同样的结果，同时避免危及国家安全，以及那些获取保卫国家所需情报的关键方式。
Major Garrett. 加勒特记者。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. I’d like to ask you about this debate that's playing itself out in editorial pages, in the blogosphere, even in the Senate Democratic caucus, about the choice you eventually will make for the next Federal Reserve chairman. There is a perception among Democrats that Larry Summers has the inside track, and perhaps you’ve made some assurances to him about that. Janet Yellen is the vice chair of the Federal Reserve. There are many women in the Senate who are Democrats who believe that breaking the glass ceiling there would be historic and important. 记者：谢谢，总统先生。我想问报纸社论、博客甚至参议院民主党党团正在展开的辩论，内容是您最终将选择谁担任下一任美联储主席。民主党内有人认为劳伦斯·萨默斯已占先机，您或许还向他作过某些保证。珍妮特·耶伦目前是美联储副主席，参议院有许多民主党女性认为，打破这个职位的“玻璃天花板”具有历史意义。
President Obama: Right. 奥巴马总统：对。
Question: Are you annoyed by this sort of roiling debate? Do you find it any way unseemly? And do you believe this will be one of the most important -- if not the most important -- economic decisions you’ll make in the remainder of your presidency? 记者：您对这场沸沸扬扬的辩论感到厌烦吗？觉得它不得体吗？您认为这会是剩余任期内最重要的经济决策之一，甚至是最重要的一项吗？
President Obama: It is definitely one of the most important economic decisions that I’ll make in the remainder of my presidency. The Federal Reserve chairman is not just one of the most important economic policymakers in America, he or she is one of the most important policymakers in the world. And that person presumably will stay on after I’m President. So this, along with Supreme Court appointments, is probably as important a decision as I make as President. 奥巴马总统：这绝对是我剩余任期内最重要的经济决策之一。美联储主席不仅是美国最重要的经济政策制定者之一，也是世界上最重要的政策制定者之一，而且这位主席很可能在我卸任后继续任职。因此，这项决定的重要性或许与任命最高法院大法官相当。
I have a range of outstanding candidates. You’ve mentioned two of them -- Mr. Summers and Mr. Yellen -- Ms. Yellen. And they're both terrific people. 我有多位杰出候选人。你提到了两位，萨默斯先生和耶伦……耶伦女士。他们都很优秀。
I think the perception that Mr. Summers might have an inside track simply had to do with a bunch of attacks that I was hearing on Mr. Summers preemptively, which is sort of a standard Washington exercise, that I don't like. Because when somebody has worked hard for me and worked hard on behalf of the American people, and I know the quality of those people, and I see them getting slapped around in the press for no reason -- before they’ve even been nominated for anything -- then I want to make sure that somebody is standing up for them. 我想，人们觉得萨默斯可能领先，只是因为我听到了许多针对他的预先攻击。这是华盛顿常见的一套做法，我不喜欢。有人为我、为美国人民辛勤工作，我知道他们的能力，却看到他们尚未被提名担任任何职务，就无缘无故遭到媒体抨击。我当然希望有人能站出来支持他们。
I felt the same way when people were attacking Susan Rice before she was nominated for anything. So I tend to defend folks who I think have done a good job and don't deserve attacks. 苏珊·赖斯还没被提名任何职务就遭到攻击时，我也是这样想的。我倾向于维护那些我认为工作出色、不该受攻击的人。
But I consider them both outstanding candidates. My main criteria -- I’ve stated this before, but I want to repeat it -- my main criteria for the Fed Reserve chairman is somebody who understands they’ve got a dual mandate. A critical part of the job is making sure that we keep inflation in check, that our monetary policy is sound, that the dollar is sound. Those are all critical components of the job. And we’ve seen what happens when the Fed is not paying attention. We saw, prior to Paul Volcker coming into place, inflation shooting up in ways that really damaged the real economy. 但我认为他们两位都是杰出候选人。我以前说过遴选美联储主席的主要标准，现在再说一遍：这个人必须理解美联储有双重使命。工作的一项关键内容是控制通胀，确保货币政策稳健、美元稳健。我们也见识过美联储忽视这一点的后果：保罗·沃尔克上任前，通胀急升，严重损害实体经济。
But the other mandate is full employment. And right now, if you look at the biggest challenges we have, the challenge is not inflation; the challenge is we’ve still got too many people out of work, too many long-term unemployed, too much slack in the economy, and we’re not growing as fast as we should. 另一项使命则是实现充分就业。眼下最大的挑战不是通胀，而是仍有太多人失业，长期失业者太多，经济闲置产能过多，增长速度也不如应有水平。
And so I want a Fed chairman who’s able to look at those issues and have a perspective that keeps an eye on inflation, makes sure that we’re not seeing artificial bubbles in place, but also recognizing, you know what, a big part of my job right now is to make sure the economy is growing quickly and robustly, and is sustained and durable, so that people who work hard in this country are able to find a job. 所以，我希望美联储主席既能关注通胀、防止人为泡沫，也能认识到当前工作的一大重点是促进经济快速、强劲、持续增长，让这个国家努力工作的人能够找到工作。
And, frankly, I think both Larry Summers and Janet Yellen are highly qualified candidates. There are a couple of other candidates who are highly qualified as well. I’ll make the decision in the fall. 坦率地说，我认为劳伦斯·萨默斯和珍妮特·耶伦都非常有资格。还有另外几位同样优秀的候选人。我会在秋天作出决定。
Question: Can you see how the perception of you defending Larry Summers as vigorously as you just did and in other quarters lead some to believe you’ve already made up your mind? 记者：您如此有力地为劳伦斯·萨默斯辩护，其他场合也这样做，您能理解为什么有人认为您已经下定决心了吗？
President Obama: Well, except I just told you I haven’t. Major, I’d defend you if somebody was saying something that wasn’t true about you. I really would. In fact, I’ve done that in the White House some times. 奥巴马总统：可是我刚告诉你，我还没决定。加勒特，如果有人说你不实的话，我也会为你辩护，真的。事实上，我有时在白宫就这样做过。
Carol Lee. And, Carol, congratulations on Hudson. 卡罗尔·李。卡罗尔，恭喜你生下哈德森。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. 记者：谢谢，总统先生。
President Obama: Do you have pictures? 奥巴马总统：带照片了吗？
Question: I do. I’ll have to show you -- 记者：带了。我得给您看看……
President Obama: Okay, I’m going to have to see them. 奥巴马总统：好，我一定要看看。
Question: I appreciate you making it a slow news week. 记者：也谢谢您让这周新闻少一些。
I wanted to ask you about your evolution on the surveillance issues. I mean, part of what you’re talking about today is restoring the public trust. And the public has seen you evolve from when you were in the U.S. Senate to now. And even as recently as June, you said that the process was such that people should be comfortable with it, and now you’re saying you’re making these reforms and people should be comfortable with those. So why should the public trust you on this issue, and why did you change your position multiple times? 我想问您在监控问题上看法的变化。您今天谈的一部分是恢复公众信任。公众看到您从担任联邦参议员到现在立场有所变化。就在今年六月，您还说程序足以让大家放心，现在又说要改革，改革后大家就能放心。公众为什么应该在这个问题上信任您？您为何多次改变立场？
President Obama: Well, I think it’s important to say, Carol, first of all, I haven’t evolved in my assessment of the actual programs. I consistently have said that when I came into office I evaluated them. Some of these programs I had been critical of when I was in the Senate. When I looked through specifically what was being done, my determination was that the two programs in particular that had been at issue, 215 and 702, offered valuable intelligence that helps us protect the American people and they're worth preserving. 奥巴马总统：卡罗尔，首先需要说明，我对项目本身的评估没有变化。我一直说，上任后曾评估它们，其中有些项目我当参议员时提出过批评。但具体查看实际做法后，我认定最受关注的两项项目，即第215条和第702条，提供了帮助保护美国人民的宝贵情报，值得保留。
What we also saw was that some bolts needed to be tightened up on some of the programs, so we initiated some additional oversight, reforms, compliance officers, audits and so forth. 我们也看到有些项目需要把螺丝拧紧，因此增加了监督、改革措施、合规官和审计等安排。
And if you look at the reports -- even the disclosures that Mr. Snowden has put forward -- all the stories that have been written, what you're not reading about is the government actually abusing these programs and listening in on people's phone calls or inappropriately reading people's emails. What you're hearing about is the prospect that these could be abused. Now, part of the reason they're not abused is because these checks are in place, and those abuses would be against the law and would be against the orders of the FISC. 看看报道，即使是根据斯诺登披露的材料写成的报道，也没有证据显示政府实际滥用这些项目，窃听人们的通话或不当查阅邮件。人们听到的是它们可能遭到滥用。而它们之所以没有遭到滥用，部分原因正是存在这些制衡；那样做既违法，也违反外国情报监控法院的命令。
Having said that, though, if you are outside of the intelligence community, if you are the ordinary person and you start seeing a bunch of headlines saying, U.S.-Big Brother looking down on you, collecting telephone records, et cetera, well, understandably, people would be concerned. I would be, too, if I wasn't inside the government. 不过，情报部门以外的普通人，看到一连串“美国老大哥盯着你、收集电话记录”之类的标题，感到担忧完全可以理解。如果我不在政府内部，我也会担心。
And so in light of the changed environment where a whole set of questions have been raised, some in the most sensationalized manner possible, where these leaks are released drip by drip, one a week, to kind of maximize attention and see if they can catch us at some imprecision on something -- in light of that, it makes sense for us to go ahead, lay out what exactly we're doing, have a discussion with Congress, have a discussion with industry -- which is also impacted by this -- have a discussion with civil libertarians, and see can we do this better. 因此，如今出现了新的环境：各种问题被提出，有些以极其耸动的方式；泄密材料每周一点点放出，似乎是为了尽量吸引注意，看看能否抓住我们说话不够准确的地方。在这种情况下，说明我们究竟做了什么，与国会、同样受到影响的行业及公民自由倡导者讨论，看看能否改进，是合情合理的。
I think the main thing I want to emphasize is I don't have an interest and the people at the NSA don't have an interest in doing anything other than making sure that where we can prevent a terrorist attack, where we can get information ahead of time, that we're able to carry out that critical task. We do not have an interest in doing anything other than that. And we've tried to set up a system that is as failsafe as so far at least we've been able to think of to make sure that these programs are not abused. 我最想强调的是，我和国家安全局工作人员的目标只有一个：在可能防止恐怖袭击、提前取得情报时，能够完成这项关键任务。我们没有其他目的。为确保项目不被滥用，我们尽力建立了迄今所能设想最可靠的体系。
But people may have better ideas and people may want to jigger slightly sort of the balance between the information that we can get versus the incremental encroachments on privacy that if haven't already taken place might take place in a future administration, or as technologies develop further. 但别人也许有更好的主意，也可能希望稍微调整获取信息与隐私受侵害风险之间的平衡。有些侵害即使现在尚未发生，也可能出现在未来政府执政期间，或随着技术进一步发展而出现。
And the other thing that’s happening is, is that as technology develops further, technology itself may provide us some additional safeguards. So, for example, if people don’t have confidence that the law, the checks and balances of the court and Congress are sufficient to give us confidence that government is not snooping, well, maybe we can embed technologies in there that prevent the snooping regardless of what government wants to do. I mean, there may be some technological fixes that provide another layer of assurance. 技术进一步发展还带来另一种可能：技术本身也许能提供额外保障。例如，如果人们不相信法律以及法院和国会的制衡足以保证政府不窥探隐私，我们或许可以加入技术限制，让政府即使想窥探也做不到。有些技术办法可能提供另一层保障。
And so those are the kinds of things that I’m looking forward to having a conversation about. 我期待就这些问题展开讨论。
Question: Can you understand, though, why some people might not trust what you're saying right now about wanting to -- 记者：不过您能理解为什么有人可能不相信您现在说的、希望……
President Obama: No, I can’t. 奥巴马总统：不，我不能。
Question: -- that they should be comfortable with the process? 记者：……他们应该对这个程序放心？
President Obama: Well, the fact that I said that the programs are operating in a way that prevents abuse, that continues to be true, without the reforms. The question is how do I make the American people more comfortable. 奥巴马总统：我说现有项目的运行方式能防止滥用，即使没有改革，这话仍然属实。问题是怎样让美国人民更加放心。
If I tell Michelle that I did the dishes -- now, granted, in the White House I don’t do the dishes that much -- but back in the day -- and she’s a little skeptical, well, I’d like her to trust me, but maybe I need to bring her back and show her the dishes and not just have her take my word for it. 如果我告诉米歇尔我洗了碗——当然，在白宫我很少洗碗，但以前会洗——她有些怀疑，我当然希望她信我；不过也许我得带她去看看洗好的碗，而不只是让她听我一面之词。
And so the program is -- I am comfortable that the program currently is not being abused. I’m comfortable that if the American people examined exactly what was taking place, how it was being used, what the safeguards were, that they would say, you know what, these folks are following the law and doing what they say they’re doing. 所以，我确信项目目前没有遭到滥用。我也确信，如果美国人民准确了解正在发生什么、项目如何使用、有哪些保障，他们会说：“这些人在遵守法律，也确实按自己所说的行事。”
But it is absolutely true that with the expansion of technology -- this is an area that’s moving very quickly -- with the revelations that have depleted public trust, that if there are some additional things that we can do to build that trust back up, then we should do them. 但技术迅速发展，而披露事件削弱了公众信任，这也完全属实。如果我们还能做些什么来重建信任，就应该去做。
Jonathan Karl. 乔纳森·卡尔。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. You have said that core al Qaeda has been decimated, that its leaders are on the run. Now that we’ve seen this terror threat that has resulted in embassies closed throughout the Arab world, much of Africa, do you still believe that al Qaeda has been decimated? And if I can ask in the interest of transparency, can you tell us about these drone strikes that we’ve seen over the last couple of weeks in Yemen? 记者：谢谢，总统先生。您曾说“基地”组织核心力量已被重创，领导人四处逃窜。如今恐怖威胁使阿拉伯世界和非洲许多地区的美国使馆关闭，您仍认为“基地”组织已被重创吗？另外，为了透明起见，您能谈谈过去几周美国在也门的无人机空袭吗？
President Obama: What I said in the same National Defense University speech back in May that I referred to earlier is that core al Qaeda is on its heels, has been decimated. But what I also said was that al Qaeda and other extremists have metastasized into regional groups that can pose significant dangers. 奥巴马总统：我五月在国防大学那次演讲中说过，“基地”组织核心力量处于守势、遭到重创。但我也说了，“基地”组织和其他极端分子已扩散为地区性团体，仍可能造成重大危险。
And I’d refer you back to that speech just back in May where I said specifically that although they are less likely to be able to carry out spectacular homeland attacks like 9/11, they have the capacity to go after our embassies. They have the capacity, potentially, to go after our businesses. They have the capacity to be destabilizing and disruptive in countries where the security apparatus is weak. And that’s exactly what we are seeing right now. 你可以回头看五月的演讲。我明确说过，他们虽然不太可能发动“九一一”那样震惊世界的本土袭击，却仍有能力袭击我们的使馆，可能袭击企业，也能在安全机构薄弱的国家制造不稳定和破坏。这正是我们眼下看到的。
So it’s entirely consistent to say that this tightly organized and relatively centralized al Qaeda that attacked us on 9/11 has been broken apart and is very weak and does not have a lot of operational capacity, and to say we still have these regional organizations like AQAP that can pose a threat, that can drive potentially a truck bomb into an embassy wall and can kill some people. 因此，两种说法完全一致：2001年袭击我们的那个组织严密、相对集中的“基地”组织已被瓦解，力量非常弱，行动能力有限；但“阿拉伯半岛基地组织”等地区团体依然可能构成威胁，比如开着装满炸药的卡车撞向使馆围墙，造成伤亡。
And so that requires us, then, to make sure that we have a strategy that is strengthening those partners so that they’ve got their own capacity to deal with what are potentially manageable regional threats if these countries are a little bit stronger and have more effective CT and so forth. It means that we’ve got to continue to be vigilant and go after known terrorists who are potentially carrying out plots or are going to strengthen their capacity over time -- because they’re always testing the boundaries of, well, maybe we can try this, maybe we can do that. So this is a ongoing process. 这就要求我们制定战略，帮助伙伴国家增强自身能力。只要这些国家更强大、反恐工作更有效，地区性威胁就可能得到控制。我们也必须继续保持警惕，追捕那些可能正在筹划袭击或逐步增强能力的已知恐怖分子，因为他们总在试探界限，盘算还能尝试什么。这是一项持续的工作。
We are not going to completely eliminate terrorism. What we can do is to weaken it and to strengthen our partnerships in such a way that it does not pose the kind of horrible threat that we saw on 9/11. 我们无法彻底消灭恐怖主义，但能削弱它，并加强伙伴关系，使它不再构成“九一一”时那样可怕的威胁。
And I’m not going to discuss specific operations that have taken place. Again, in my speech in May, I was very specific about how we make these determinations about potential lethal strikes, so I would refer you to that speech. 我不会讨论已开展的具体行动。五月演讲中，我详细说明过如何决定是否实施可能致命的打击，请参考那次讲话。
Question: So you won’t even confirm that we carried out drone strikes in Yemen? 记者：您连美国是否在也门实施无人机空袭也不愿确认？
President Obama: I will not have a discussion about operational issues. 奥巴马总统：我不会讨论行动细节。
Ed Henry. 埃德·亨利。
Question: I hope you would defend me as well. 记者：希望您也会为我辩护。
President Obama: I would. 奥巴马总统：会的。
Question: Okay, thank you. I want to ask you about two important dates that are coming up. October 1st you’ve got to implement your signature health care law. You recently decided on your own to delay a key part of that. And I wonder, if you pick and choose what parts of the law to implement, couldn’t your successor down the road pick and choose whether they’ll implement your law and keep it in place? 记者：谢谢。我想问两个即将到来的日期。十月一日，您要实施标志性的医疗保健法，最近却自行决定推迟其中一个重要部分。如果您可以挑选实施哪些条款，将来继任者岂不是也能选择是否实施并维持这部法律？
And on September 11th we’ll have the first anniversary of Benghazi. And you said on September 12th, “Make no mistake, we’ll bring to justice the killers who attacked our people.” Eleven months later, where are they, sir? 九月十一日还是班加西事件一周年。去年九月十二日，您说过“毫无疑问，我们会把袭击我们人员的凶手绳之以法”。十一月过去了，他们在哪儿，总统先生？
President Obama: Well, I also said that we’d get bin Laden, and I didn’t get him in 11 months. So we have informed, I think, the public that there’s a sealed indictment. It’s sealed for a reason. But we are intent on capturing those who carried out this attack, and we’re going to stay on it until we get them. 奥巴马总统：我也曾说过我们会抓住本·拉登，但并非在十一个月内抓到。我想我们已告知公众，有一份密封的起诉书。它被密封是有原因的。但我们决心抓获发动袭击的人，在抓住他们之前不会停止。
Question: And you’re close to having suspects in custody? 记者：距离拘捕嫌疑人已经很近了吗？
President Obama: I will leave it at that. But this remains a top priority for us. Anybody who attacks Americans, anybody who kills, tragically, four Americans who were serving us in a very dangerous place, we’re going to do everything we can to get those who carried out those attacks. 奥巴马总统：我只能说到这里。但这仍是我们的首要任务。有人袭击美国人，在一个非常危险的地方杀害四名为国家服务的美国人，我们就会竭尽全力抓住袭击者。
With respect to health care, I didn’t simply choose to delay this on my own. This was in consultation with businesses all across the country, many of whom are supportive of the Affordable Care Act, but -- and many of whom, by the way, are already providing health insurance to their employees but were concerned about the operational details of changing their HR operations, if they’ve got a lot of employees, which could be costly for them, and them suggesting that there may be easier ways to do this. 谈到医疗保健，并非我一个人随意决定推迟某项安排。我们与全国各地的企业商量过，许多企业支持《平价医疗法案》，也已经为员工提供医保，但担心若雇员众多，调整人事管理流程的细节可能代价高昂。他们提出，也许有更简便的办法。
Now, what’s true, Ed, is, is that in a normal political environment, it would have been easier for me to simply call up the Speaker and say, you know what, this is a tweak that doesn’t go to the essence of the law -- it has to do with, for example, are we able to simplify the attestation of employers as to whether they’re already providing health insurance or not -- it looks like there may be some better ways to do this; let's make a technical change to the law. That would be the normal thing that I would prefer to do. 埃德，确实如此：在正常的政治环境里，我更愿意给众议院议长打个电话说，这只是不触及法律核心的微调。比如，能否简化雇主关于已为员工提供医保的申报程序？看来有更好的办法，那就对法律作一项技术性修订。那本该是我希望采取的正常方式。
But we're not in a normal atmosphere around here when it comes to "Obamacare." We did have the executive authority to do so, and we did so. But this doesn't go to the core of implementation. Let me tell you what is the core of implementation that's already taken place. As we speak, right now, for the 85 percent of Americans who already have health insurance, they are benefiting from being able to keep their kid on their plan if their kid is 26 or younger. That's benefiting millions of young people around the country, which is why lack of insurance among young people has actually gone down. 但在“奥巴马医改”问题上，这里没有正常的政治环境。我们确实拥有相关行政权力，所以采取了行动，而这不触及实施法律的核心。让我告诉你，哪些核心内容已经落实。此刻，已有医保的85%美国人可以让26岁及以下的子女继续参加父母的保险计划。全国数百万年轻人从中受益，这也是年轻人无保险比例下降的原因之一。
That's in large part attributable to the steps that we've taken. 这种下降很大程度上归功于我们采取的措施。
You've got millions of people who have received rebates, because part of the Affordable Care Act was to say that if an insurance company isn't spending 80 percent of your premium on your health care, you get some money back. And, lo and behold, people have been getting their money back. It means that folks who have been bumping up with lifetime limits on their insurance, that it leaves them vulnerable. That doesn't exist. 数百万人还收到了保费返还。《平价医疗法案》规定，保险公司如果没有把保费的80%用于投保人的医疗，就得把部分钱退还。果然，人们收到了退款。过去有些人触及保险的终身给付上限，因而处境脆弱；这样的上限现在也不存在了。
Seniors have been getting discounts on their prescription drugs. That's happening right now. Free preventive care -- mammograms, contraception. That's happening right now. I met a young man today on a bill signing I was doing with the student loan bill who came up to me and said thank you -- he couldn't have been more than 25, 26 years old -- thank you; I have cancer, thanks to the Affordable Care Act working with the California program, I was able to get health care and I'm now in remission. And so right now people are already benefiting. 老年人已经享受处方药折扣，免费的预防保健、乳房检查和避孕服务也都已经提供。今天我签署学生贷款法案时遇见一个年轻人，大概只有二十五六岁。他上前感谢我，说自己患了癌症，受益于《平价医疗法案》和加州的项目，得以接受治疗，如今病情已经缓解。所以，人们现在就已受益。
Now, what happens on October 1st, in 53 days, is for the remaining 15 percent of the population that doesn’t have health insurance, they're going to be able to go on a website or call up a call center and sign up for affordable quality health insurance at a significantly cheaper rate than what they can get right now on the individual market. And if even with lower premiums they still can't afford it, we're going to be able to provide them with a tax credit to help them buy it. 接下来，五十三天后的十月一日，余下没有医保的15%人口将能够上网或致电服务中心，报名参加优质且负担得起的医保，其价格显著低于当前个人保险市场。如果降低后的保费仍负担不起，我们还会提供税收抵免，帮助他们购买。
And between October 1st into March there will be an open enrollment period in which millions of Americans for the first time are going to be able to get affordable health care. 从十月一日到次年三月，将有开放投保期，数百万美国人届时将首次获得负担得起的医疗保障。
Now, I think the really interesting question is why it is that my friends in the other party have made the idea of preventing these people from getting health care their holy grail, their number-one priority. 我认为真正值得问的是，为什么另一个政党的朋友把阻止这些人获得医保，当作他们最神圣、最优先的目标。
The one unifying principle in the Republican Party at the moment is making sure that 30 million people don't have health care and, presumably, repealing all those benefits I just mentioned -- kids staying on their parents' plan; seniors getting discounts on their prescription drugs; I guess a return to lifetime limits on insurance; people with preexisting conditions continuing to be blocked from being able to get health insurance. 眼下共和党内唯一能团结大家的原则，似乎就是确保三千万人没有医保，并且大概还要废除我刚说的所有福利：让孩子继续参加父母的保险、让老年人获得处方药折扣，甚至恢复保险终身给付上限，让有既存病症的人继续无法参保。
That's hard to understand as an agenda that is going to strengthen our middle class. At least they used to say, well, we're going to replace it with something better. There’s not even a pretense now that they're going to replace it with something better. 我实在难以理解，这样的议程怎么能壮大中产阶级。至少他们过去还说要用更好的方案取代这部法律，如今连这种说法都不装了。
The notion is simply that those 30 million people, or the 150 million who are benefiting from the other aspects of Affordable Care, will be better off without it. That's their assertion -- not backed by fact, not backed by any evidence. It’s just become an ideological fixation. 他们只是断言，没有这部法律，那三千万人以及受益于其他条款的一亿五千万人会过得更好。这种说法既无事实也无证据支持，只是成了一种意识形态执念。
Well, I tell you what, they're wrong about that. There is no doubt that in implementing the Affordable Care Act, a program of this significance, there are going to be some glitches. No doubt about it. There are going to be things where we say, you know what, we should have thought of that earlier. Or this would work a little bit better. Or this needs an adjustment. That was true of Social Security. That was true of Medicare. That was true of the Children’s Health Insurance Program. 我要告诉你，他们错了。实施《平价医疗法案》这样重要的项目，毫无疑问会遇到一些故障。我们会发现有些事应该更早想到，有些做法可以更好，有些地方需要调整。社会保障制度、老年医保、儿童健康保险计划推行时都是如此。
That was true of the prescription drug program, Part D, that was rolled out by a Republican President and supported by Republicans who are still in the House of Representatives. That's true, by the way, of a car company rolling out a new car. It’s true of Apple rolling out the new iPad. 共和党总统推出、如今仍在众议院任职的共和党人也支持的处方药福利计划，即老年医保丁部分，也是如此。汽车公司推出新车、苹果推出新款平板电脑，同样会遇到问题。
So you will be able to, whenever you want during the course of the next six months and probably the next year, find occasions where you say, ah-ha, you know what, that could have been done a little bit better. Or that thing, they're kind of making an administrative change; that's now how it was originally thought this thing was going to work. Yes, exactly. Because our goal is to actually deliver high-quality, affordable health care for people and to reform the system so costs start going down and people start getting a better bang for the buck. And I make no apologies for that. 所以，接下来六个月乃至一年，任何时候你都可能发现例子，说“这里本可以做得更好”，或者“他们做了行政调整，原本不是这样设想的”。没错，因为我们的目标是真正让人民获得优质、负担得起的医疗，改革制度，让费用下降、花的钱更值。对此我不会道歉。
And let me just make one last point about this. The idea that you would shut down the government unless you prevent 30 million people from getting health care is a bad idea. What you should be thinking about is how can we advance and improve ways for middle-class families to have some security so that if they work hard, they can get ahead and their kids can get ahead. 关于这个问题，我最后再说一点：除非阻止三千万人获得医保，否则就让政府停摆，这不是好主意。你们应该思考的，是怎样改善中产家庭的保障，让他们和孩子都能靠勤劳取得进步。
Jessica Yellin. 杰西卡·耶林。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. And following on what you just said, Republicans in the House might give you that choice soon to either allow the government to shut down or see Obamacare defunded. Would you choose to let the government shut down to ensure that Obamacare remains funded? 记者：谢谢，总统先生。接着刚才的话，众议院共和党人也许很快会让您二选一：要么政府停摆，要么撤销“奥巴马医改”经费。为了确保医改继续获得经费，您会选择让政府停摆吗？
President Obama: Well, I’m not going to engage in hypotheticals. I can tell you that the American people would have difficulty understanding why we would weaken our economy, shut down our government, shut down vital services, have people who are not getting paid who then can't go to restaurants or shop for clothes, or all the other things that we’re doing here because Republicans have determined that they don't want to see these folks get health care. 奥巴马总统：我不想回答假设性问题。但我可以告诉你，美国人民很难理解，为什么仅仅因为共和党人不愿让那些人获得医保，我们就要削弱经济、关闭政府、停止重要服务，让人拿不到工资、去不了餐馆或买不了衣服，影响日常生活的方方面面。
Again, they used to say they had a replacement. That never actually arrived, right? I mean, I’ve been hearing about this whole replacement thing for two years -- now I just don’t hear about it, because basically they don’t have an agenda to provide health insurance to people at affordable rates. 我再说一次，他们以前声称有替代方案，可它一直没有出现。我听他们谈“替代方案”已有两年，现在连这话都听不到了，因为他们根本没有以可负担价格为人民提供医保的议程。
And the idea that you would shut down the government at a time when the recovery is getting some traction; where we’re growing, although not as fast as we need to; where the housing market is recovering, although not as fast as we would like; that we would precipitate another crisis here in Washington that no economist thinks is a good idea -- I’m assuming that they will not take that path. I have confidence that common sense, in the end, will prevail. 经济复苏正在逐步站稳脚跟，虽然增长还不够快；住房市场也在复苏，虽然速度不如我们所愿。在这个时候让华盛顿再制造一场经济学家都不赞成的危机，我认为他们不会走这条路。我相信常识最终会占上风。
Question: And if they do, sir, you will have to make that choice? 记者：总统先生，如果他们真这么做，您就得作选择吧？
President Obama: We’ll see what happens. We’ve got a couple of months. 奥巴马总统：到时再看。我们还有几个月。
Question: When’s the last time you spoke to Speaker Boehner about the budget? 记者：您上一次与博纳议长谈预算是什么时候？
President Obama: Fairly recently, yes. Probably right before they left. 奥巴马总统：不久前，大概是他们休会前。
Okay. Scott Horseley. 好，斯科特·霍斯利。
Question: Thank you, Mr. President. Part of the political logic behind immigration reform was the strong showing by Latino voters last November. That doesn’t seem to resonate with a lot of House Republicans who represent overwhelmingly white districts. What other political leverage can you bring to bear to help move a bill in the House? 记者：谢谢，总统先生。移民改革的部分政治依据，是去年十一月拉丁裔选民的突出影响力。但对许多代表绝大多数白人选区的众议院共和党人来说，这似乎起不了作用。您还能施加什么政治影响，推动法案在众议院前进？
President Obama: Well, we’ve got an economic report that shows that our economy would be a trillion dollars stronger if we get immigration reform done. We’ve got evidence that our housing market would be stronger if immigrants are in a situation in which, having paid a fine, having paid back taxes, that they now have the ability to actually enter into the housing market. We’ve got strong evidence that our technological and research edge would be better if we get immigration reform done. 奥巴马总统：我们有经济报告指出，完成移民改革可让经济增长一万亿美元。也有证据显示，移民在缴纳罚款、补交税款后若能进入住房市场，住房市场会更强劲。还有充分证据表明，改革能巩固我们的技术与科研优势。
We know that the Senate bill strengthens border security, puts unprecedented resources on top of the unprecedented resources I’ve already put into border security. So if your main priority is border security, I’d think you’d want to vote for this bill. We know that the Senate bill creates a system in which employers are held accountable for when they hire undocumented workers. This is something that people say is a bad thing. I agree. Let’s make sure that that system for holding employers accountable is in place. 我们知道参议院法案强化边境安全，在我已经投入空前资源的基础上再增加空前资源。所以，如果你最重视边境安全，我想你应该投票支持它。我们也知道，参议院法案建立了追究雇主雇用无证劳动者责任的制度。人们说这种雇用行为有问题，我同意，那就把问责制度建立起来。
So when I hear the opposition to immigration reform, I just run through the list of things they’re concerned about, I look at what the Senate bill does, and I say to myself, you know what, the Senate bill actually improves the situation on every issue that they say they’re concerned about. 因此，每当我听到反对移民改革的意见，就逐项查看他们担心的问题，再看参议院法案怎么做。我得出的结论是：他们声称关切的每个问题，法案其实都能改善。
Now, what they may argue is it doesn’t solve the problem 100 percent. I don’t know a law that solves a problem 100 percent. Social Security lifted millions of seniors out of poverty, but there are still some poor seniors. The Civil Rights Act and the Voting Rights Act drastically reduced discrimination in America, but there’s still discrimination. That doesn’t make them bad laws, it just means that there are very few human problems that are 100 percent solvable. 他们也许会说，这不能百分之百解决问题。但我不知道哪一部法律能百分之百解决问题。社会保障制度使数百万老年人脱离贫困，但仍有贫困老人。《民权法》和《投票权法》大幅减少美国的歧视，但歧视仍然存在。这不说明它们是坏法律，只说明世上很少有人类问题能百分之百解决。
So what I see right now is a strong bipartisan vote coming out of the Senate. I think that the Speaker and others have said they need to do something, and I’d urge, when they get back, to do something -- put forward a bill that has an opportunity to actually pass. It may not be precisely what’s in the Senate bill. My preference would be for them to go ahead and call the Senate bill. But if they’ve got some additional ideas, I think the Senate is happy to consider them. And get that bill on the floor, put it up for a vote. 眼下，参议院以强大的跨党派票数通过了法案。我想议长等人也说过必须采取行动，我敦促他们休会回来就行动，提出一项真正有望通过的法案。它不一定与参议院法案完全相同。我更希望他们直接把参议院法案交付表决；若有其他想法，参议院想必乐于考虑。然后把法案送上众议院全院，举行投票。
I am absolutely certain that the votes for the Senate bill -- which strengthens border security; demands responsibility from undocumented workers to pay a fine, pay a penalty and get to the back of the line; reforms our legal immigration system; holds employers accountable -- I am absolutely confident that if that bill was on the floor of the House, it would pass. 参议院法案强化边境安全，要求无证劳动者缴纳罚款、承担责任并排到申请队伍末尾，改革合法移民制度，追究雇主责任。我完全确信，只要把它交付众议院全院表决，就能通过。
So the challenge right now is not that there aren’t a majority of House members, just like a majority of Senate members, who aren’t prepared to support this bill. The problem is internal Republican caucus politics. And that’s what the American people don’t want us to be worrying about. Don’t worry about your Washington politics. Solve problems. 所以，现在的障碍并非众议院没有多数议员愿意支持，就像参议院已有多数支持者一样；问题在于共和党党团内部政治。美国人民不希望我们操心这些。别只想着华盛顿的政治，去解决问题。
And this is one where you’ve actually got some pretty broad consensus. I don’t know an issue where you’ve got labor, the Chamber of Commerce, evangelicals, student groups -- you name it -- supportive of a bill. Let’s get it done. 在这件事上，各方其实已达成广泛共识。我想不出还有哪个议题能让工会、商会、福音派、学生团体等各界都支持同一项法案。让我们把它办成。
Thank you very much, everybody. 非常感谢大家。
