谢谢大家。非常感谢。首先我要感谢李·汉密尔顿，他在9/11委员会、伊拉克研究小组以及威尔逊中心都展现了非凡的领导才能。李在这个动荡的时代一直是一个坚定的理性之声，我们感谢他为国家做出的贡献。我还要呼应您的评论，李。 Thank you. Thank you so much. Let me begin by thanking Lee Hamilton, who has provided just extraordinary leadership, both with the 9/11 Commission and the Iraq Study Group and here at the Wilson Center. Lee has been a steady voice of reason in an unsteady time and we are grateful for the contributions that he's made to our country.
我和您的同事哈莱·埃斯凡迪亚里以及她的家人同在。我已向伊朗政府表明了我的立场。他们对她的拘留是不可接受的。现在是哈莱获释的时候了。现在是她回家的时候了。感谢大家在百忙之中抽出时间前来。 Let me also echo your comments, Lee. My thoughts and prayers are with your colleague, Haleh Esfandiari, and her family. I've made my position known to the Iranian government. Their detention of her is unacceptable. It is time for Haleh to be released. It is time for her to come home.
我想向你提到的至少一位议员致意，因为我看到他刚走进来，来自新泽西第九选区的史蒂夫·罗斯曼议员。非常感谢您的到来。 Thanks to all of you for taking the time to come out with your busy schedules.
嗯，根据9/11委员会的说法，我们知道六年前的这个星期，布什总统收到了一份简报，标题是："本·拉登决心袭击[美国]"。这是在委员会所称的"威胁之夏"期间发生的，当时"系统在闪烁红光"，预示着一次独立的、即将到来的袭击。但尽管有这份简报，许多人仍觉得危险在海外，是对大使馆和军事设施的威胁。 I want to acknowledge at least one of the Congressmen that you mentioned Lee, because I saw him just walk in, Congressman Steve Rothman of the 9th District of New Jersey. Thank you very much for being here.
极端主义、怨恨、恐怖分子训练营和杀手都在世界的黑暗角落，远离美国本土。然后，在一个明亮美丽的星期二早晨，他们抵达了我们的海岸。我记得当时我正开车去芝加哥市中心参加一个州议会听证会，我在车载广播中听到了新闻——一架飞机撞上了世贸中心。 Well, thanks to the 9/11 Commission, we know that six years ago this week President Bush received a briefing with the headline: "Bin Ladin determined to strike [the U.S.]." It came during what the Commission called the "summer of threat," when the "system was blinking red" about an independent -- impending attack. But despite the briefing, many felt the danger was overseas, a threat to embassies and military installations. The extremism, the resentment, the terrorist training camps, and the killers were in the dark corners of the world, far away from the American homeland.
当我到达会议地点时，第二架飞机已经撞上了，我们被告知撤离。人们聚集在芝加哥的街道上，仰望天空和西尔斯大厦，它从一个工作场所变成了一个目标。我们为家人担心，为国家担心。 And then one bright, beautiful Tuesday morning, they arrived at our shores. I remember that I was driving to a state legislative hearing in downtown Chicago when I heard the news on my car radio -- that a plane had hit the World Trade Center. By the time I got to my meeting, the second plane had hit, and we were told to evacuate.
我们为同胞遭受的可怕损失感到悲痛。回到我的律师事务所，我观看了来自纽约的画面：飞机消失在玻璃和钢铁中；男女抓着窗台，然后松手；高楼大厦崩塌为尘土。仿佛世界上所有的苦难和邪恶都在那翻滚的黑云中，遮蔽了九月的阳光。 People gathered in the streets in Chicago, looking up at the sky and the Sears Tower, transformed from a workplace to a target. We feared for our families and we feared for our country. We mourned the terrible loss suffered by our fellow citizens. Back at my law office, I watched the images from New York: the plane vanishing into glass and steel; men and women clinging to windowsills, then letting go; tall towers crumbling to dust. It seemed all the misery and all the evil in the world were in that rolling black cloud, blocking out the September sun.
那天早上我们看到的一切迫使我们认识到，在新的威胁世界里，我们不再受自身力量的保护。那天早上我们看到的一切，是对新一代的挑战。美国的历史是一部将悲剧转化为胜利的历史。 What we saw that morning forced us to recognize that in the new world of threats, we are no longer protected by our own power. And what we saw that morning was a challenge to a new generation.
因此，一场关于分裂的战争变成了解放被囚禁者的机会。对珍珠港的袭击引发了横跨大西洋和太平洋的自由浪潮。一道铁幕被民主价值观、国内新机构和国外强大的国际伙伴关系所刺穿。9/11之后，我们的使命是在美国故事中写下新的一章——制定新战略，建立新联盟，保卫家园，维护价值观，为国外的正义事业服务。 The history of America is one of tragedy turned into triumph. And so a war over secession became an opportunity to set the captives free. An attack on Pearl Harbor led to a wave of freedom rolling across the Atlantic and Pacific. An Iron Curtain was punctured by democratic values, new institutions at home, and strong international partnerships abroad.
我们准备好了。美国人团结一致。世界各地的朋友与我们并肩站在一起。我们拥有几代美国人传承下来的力量和道德说服力。 After 9/11, our calling was to write a new chapter in the American story -- to devise a new strategy and build new alliances, to secure our homeland and safeguard our values, and to serve a just cause abroad. We were ready. Americans were united. Friends around the world stood shoulder to shoulder with us. We had the might and moral suasion that was the legacy of generations of Americans. The tide of history seemed poised to turn, once again, toward hope.
历史的洪流似乎再次转向希望。但后来一切都变了。我们没有完成在阿富汗打击基地组织的任务。我们没有发展新能力来战胜新敌人，或制定综合战略来枯竭恐怖分子的支持基础。我们没有重申基本价值观，也没有保卫家园。 But then everything changed.
相反，我们得到了一场色彩编码的恐惧政治——爱国主义成为一个政党的专利；拒绝与其他国家对话的外交；一种僵化的20世纪意识形态，坚持认为21世纪的无国界恐怖主义可以通过入侵和占领一个国家来击败；一种故意误导9/11来推销一场与9/11无关的战争的策略。因此，在那个明亮的九月天之后一年多一点，我又站在了芝加哥的街头，这次是在一场反对伊拉克战争的集会上演讲。 We did not finish the job against al Qaeda in Afghanistan. We did not develop new capabilities to defeat a new enemy, or launch a comprehensive strategy to dry up the terrorists' base of support. We did not reaffirm our basic values, or secure our homeland.
我说，我不反对所有战争。我强烈支持阿富汗战争。 Instead, we got a color-coded politics of fear -- patriotism as the possession of one political party; the diplomacy of refusing to talk to other countries; a rigid 20th-century ideology that insisted that the 21st century's stateless terrorism could be defeated through the invasion and occupation of a state; a deliberate strategy to misrepresent 9/11 to sell a war against a country that had nothing to do with 9/11.
但我说我不能支持一场"愚蠢的战争，一场轻率的战争"。我担心在穆斯林世界的中心会出现一场"长度未定、代价未定、后果未定的美国占领"。我恳求我们"完成与本·拉登和基地组织的战斗"。政治风向正朝着不同的方向吹。 And so, a little more than a year after that bright September day, I was in the streets of Chicago again, this time speaking at a rally in opposition to war in Iraq. I did not oppose all wars, I said. I was a strong supporter of the war in Afghanistan. But I said I could not support "a dumb war, a rash war" in Iraq. I worried about a "U.S. occupation of undetermined length, at undetermined costs, with undetermined consequences" in the heart of the Muslim world. I pleaded that we "finish the fight with bin Ladin and al Qaeda."
总统决心开战，而唯一的障碍是美国国会。我发表讲话九天后，那个障碍被消除了。国会在战争决议上橡皮图章式地签字，给予总统至今仍在使用的广泛和无限的授权。随着那投票，国会成为一场灾难性战争的共同作者。 The political winds were blowing in a different direction. The President was determined to go to war and there was just one obstacle: the U.S. Congress. Nine days after I spoke, that obstacle was removed. Congress rubber-stamped the rush to war, giving the President the broad and open-ended authority he uses to this day. With that vote, Congress became co-author of a catastrophic war. And we went off to fight on the wrong battlefield, with no appreciation of how many enemies we would create, and no plan for how to get out.
我们前往错误的战场作战，不知道我们会制造多少敌人，也不知道如何脱身。正因为一场本不应该被授权、也不应该被发动的伊拉克战争，我们现在比9/11之前更不安全了。根据国家情报评估，来自基地组织对我们家园的威胁——引用来说——"持续存在且不断演变"。伊拉克是恐怖分子的训练场，被内战撕裂。阿富汗自2001年以来比以往任何时候都更加暴力。基地组织在巴基斯坦有一个避难所。 And because of a war in Iraq that should've never been authorized and should've never been waged, we are now less safe than we were before 9/11.
以色列被更加胆大的敌人围困，公开谈论要摧毁它。伊朗现在对美国在中东的战略挑战是一代人中最广泛的。与基地组织有关联或受其启发的团体在全球活动。 According to the National Intelligence Estimate, the threat to our homeland from al Qaeda is -- quote -- "persistent and evolving." Iraq is a training ground for terror, torn apart by civil war. Afghanistan is more violent than it has been since 2001. Al Qaeda has a sanctuary in Pakistan. Israel is besieged by emboldened enemies, talking openly of its destruction. Iran is now presenting the broadest strategic challenge to the United States in the Middle East in a generation. Groups affiliated with or inspired by al Qaeda operate worldwide.
9/11六年后，我们再次处于"威胁之夏"之中，本·拉登和更多的恐怖分子决心在美国发动袭击。更重要的是，在阿布格莱布监狱的黑暗大厅和关塔那摩的牢房里，我们损害了我们最珍贵的价值观。本可以成为一代人号召的东西，变成了不受约束的总统权力的借口。 Six years after 9/11, we are again in the midst of a "summer of threat," with bin Ladin and many more terrorists determined to strike in the United States.
一场团结我们的悲剧，被变成了用来分裂我们的政治楔子。是时候翻开新的一页了。是时候在我们应对9/11的过程中写下新的一章了。现在要明确：仅仅因为总统歪曲了我们的敌人，并不意味着我们没有敌人。 What's more, in the dark halls of Abu Ghraib and the detention cells of Guantanamo, we have compromised our most precious values. What could have been a call to a generation has become an excuse for unchecked presidential power. A tragedy that united us was turned into a political wedge issue used to divide us.
恐怖分子在与我们交战。威胁来自暴力极端分子——他们是世界13亿穆斯林中的一小部分，但威胁是真实的。他们歪曲伊斯兰教。他们杀害男人、女人和儿童；基督教徒和印度教徒，犹太教徒和穆斯林。 It is time to turn the page. And it is time to write a new chapter in our response to 9/11.
他们寻求创建一个压制性的哈里发国，要击败这个敌人，我们必须明白我们在对抗谁，以及我们在为什么而战。总统想让我们相信，巴格达的每一次爆炸都是基地组织对我们的战争的一部分，而不是伊拉克内战。 Now be clear: Just because the President misrepresents our enemy does not mean that we do not have enemies. The terrorists are at war with us. The threat is from a violent -- is from violent extremists who are a small minority of the world's 1.3 billion Muslims, but the threat is real. They distort Islam. They kill man, woman, and child; Christian and Hindu, Jew and Muslim. They seek to create a repressive caliphate, and to defeat this enemy we must understand who we are fighting against, and what we are fighting for.
他提升了伊拉克的基地组织——这个在我们入侵之前并不存在的组织——并忽视了在9/11袭击我们的人，那些现在正在巴基斯坦训练新成员的人。他把目标截然不同的团体混为一谈：基地组织和伊朗，什叶派民兵和逊尼派叛乱分子。 The President would have us believe that every bomb in Baghdad is part of al Qaeda's war against us, not an Iraqi civil war. He elevates al Qaeda in Iraq -- which didn't exist before our invasion -- and overlooks the people who hit us on 9/11, who are training new recruits in Pakistan right now. He lumps together groups with very different goals: al Qaeda and Iran, Shiite militias and Sunni insurgents. He confuses our mission.
他混淆了我们的任务。更糟糕的是，他在打恐怖分子希望我们打的那场战争。本·拉登和他的盟友知道他们无法在战场上或真正的思想之战中击败我们。但他们可以挑起我们在伊拉克看到的反应：一场对穆斯林国家的错误入侵，引发新的叛乱，拖住我们的军队，耗尽我们的预算，增加恐怖分子新兵的储备，使美国疏远，给民主抹黑，并促使美国人民质疑我们在世界上的参与。 And worse, he is fighting the war that the terrorists want us to fight. Bin Ladin and his allies know they cannot defeat us on the field of battle or in a genuine battle of ideas. But they can provoke the reaction we've seen in Iraq: a misguided invasion of a Muslim country that sparks new insurgencies, ties down our military, busts our budgets, increases the pool of terrorist recruits, alienates America, gives democracy a bad name, and prompts the American people to question our engagement in the world.
通过拒绝结束伊拉克战争，布什总统给了恐怖分子他们真正想要的东西，也是国会在2002年投票给予他们的东西：一场长度未定、代价未定、后果未定的美国占领。是时候翻开新的一页了。 By refusing to end the war in Iraq, President Bush is giving the terrorists what they really want, and what the Congress voted to give them in 2002: a U.S. occupation of undetermined length, at undetermined cost, with undetermined consequences.
当我成为总统时，我们将打一场必须要赢的战争，采用包含五个要素的综合战略：从伊拉克撤出，在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的正确战场上作战；发展我们需要的能力和伙伴关系来消灭恐怖分子和世界上最致命的武器；与世界各国合作来枯竭对恐怖主义和极端主义的支持；恢复我们的价值观；以及保卫一个更有韧性的家园。 It is time to turn the page. When I am President, we will wage the war that has to be won, with a comprehensive strategy with five elements: getting out of Iraq and on the right battlefield in Afghanistan and Pakistan; developing the capabilities and partnerships we need to take out the terrorists and the world's most deadly weapons; engaging the world to dry up support for terror and extremism; restoring our values; and securing a more resilient homeland.
让我逐一谈谈这些。第一步必须是离开伊拉克的错误战场，在阿富汗和巴基斯坦的战场上打击恐怖分子。 Let me talk about each of these in turn.
我在一月份提出了一项计划，该计划本应已经开始将我们的军队撤出伊拉克，目标是在2008年3月31日前撤出所有作战旅。如果总统继续否决这项计划，那么结束这场战争将是我就职时的首要任务。在伊拉克没有军事解决方案。 The first step must be to get off the wrong battlefield in Iraq and take the fight to the terrorists in Afghanistan and Pakistan. I introduced a plan in January that would have already started bringing our troops out of Iraq, with the goal of removing all combat brigades by March 31st, 2008. If the President continues to veto this plan, then ending this war will be my first priority when I take office.
只有伊拉克领导人才能解决伊拉克人内战核心的不满。我们必须向他们施加压力让他们采取行动，而我们最好的杠杆是减少我们的军队存在。我们还必须在该地区进行艰苦、持续的外交工作，以争取和平与稳定。 There is no military solution in Iraq. Only Iraq's leaders can settle the grievances at the heart of Iraqis' civil war. We must apply pressure on them to act, and our best leverage is reducing our troop presence. And we must also do the hard, sustained diplomatic work in the region on behalf of peace and stability.
在结束战争时，我们必须比发动战争时更有智慧。这就是为什么我的计划将在该地区保留足够的力量来打击伊拉克境内所有的基地组织。 In ending the war, we must act with more wisdom than we started it. That's why my plan would maintain sufficient forces in the region to target all al Qaeda within Iraq. But we must recognize that al Qaeda is not the primary source of violence in Iraq, and has little support -- not from Shia and Kurds who are al Qaeda targets, or Sunni tribes hostile to foreigners. On the contrary, al Qaeda's appeal within Iraq is enhanced by our troop presence.
但我们必须认识到，基地组织不是伊拉克暴力的主要来源，也几乎没有支持——不是来自作为基地组织目标的什叶派和库尔德人，也不是来自敌视外国人的逊尼派部落。相反，基地组织在伊拉克的吸引力因我们的军队存在而增强。结束战争将有助于孤立基地组织，并让伊拉克人有动机和机会消灭他们。 Ending the war will help isolate al Qaeda and give Iraqis the incentive and opportunity to take them out. It will also allow us to direct badly needed resources to Afghanistan. Our troops have fought valiantly there, but Iraq has deprived them of the support that they need and deserve. As a result, parts of Afghanistan are falling into the hands of the Taliban, and a mix of terrorism, drugs, and corruption threatens to overwhelm the country.
这也将使我们能够将急需的资源投向阿富汗。我们的军队在那里英勇作战，但伊拉克剥夺了他们需要和应得的支持。结果，阿富汗的部分地区落入塔利班手中，恐怖主义、毒品和腐败的混合威胁要压垮这个国家。作为总统，我将向阿富汗派遣至少两个额外的旅，以加强我们的反恐行动并支持北约对塔利班的努力。当我们加强承诺时，我们的欧洲朋友也必须这样做，而且不会有阻碍北约努力的繁琐限制。 As President, I will deploy at least two additional brigades to Afghanistan to re-enforce our counter-terrorism operations and support NATO's efforts against the Taliban. As we step up our commitment, our European friends must do the same, and without the burdensome restrictions that have hampered NATO's efforts. We must also put more of an Afghan face on security by improving the training and equipping of Afghan Army and Police, and including Afghan soldiers in U.S. and NATO operations.
我们还必须通过改进阿富汗陆军和警察的训练和装备，让安全问题更有阿富汗特色，并让阿富汗士兵加入美国和北约的行动。然而，我们不能重复伊拉克的错误。阿富汗的解决方案不仅仅是军事的——它是政治和经济的。这就是为什么作为总统，我将把我们对阿富汗的非军事援助增加十亿美元。这些资源应该资助地方层面的项目来影响普通阿富汗人，包括为罂粟农民开发替代生计。 We must not, however, repeat the mistakes of Iraq. The solution in Afghanistan is not just military -- it is political and economic. That's why as President, I will increase our non-military aid by one billion dollars to Afghanistan. These resources should fund projects at the local level to impact ordinary Afghans, including the development of alternative livelihoods for poppy farmers.
我们还必须寻求阿富汗政府更好的表现，并通过对援助的严格反腐败保障以及加强国际支持来在全国发展法治，来支持这种表现。最重要的是，我将发出一个明确的信息：我们不会重蹈过去的覆辙，在苏联撤军后背弃阿富汗。 And we must seek better performance from the Afghan government, and support that performance through tough anti-corruption safeguards on aid, and increased international support to develop the rule of law across the country.
正如9/11向我们展示的，阿富汗和美国的安全是共同的。今天，这种安全最受西北部巴基斯坦部落地区的基地组织和塔利班避难所的威胁。基地组织恐怖分子在这个避风港中训练、旅行并维持全球通讯。 Above all, I will send a clear message: We will not repeat the mistakes of the past, when we turned our back on Afghanistan following Soviet withdrawal. As 9/11 showed us, the security of Afghanistan and America is shared. And today, that security is most threatened by the al Qaeda and Taliban sanctuaries in the tribal regions of northwest Pakistan.
塔利班采取"打了就跑"的策略，在阿富汗打击，然后溜过边境寻求安全。这是我们全球化世界的野蛮前沿。这里有风吹过的沙漠和布满洞穴的山脉。这里有部落，他们把边境看作只不过是地图上的线条，把政府看作来来去去的力量。 Al Qaeda terrorists train, travel, and maintain global communications in this safe-haven. The Taliban pursues a "hit and run" strategy, striking in Afghanistan, then skulking across the border to safety.
这里有比临时结盟更深的血缘关系，还有追随宗教走向暴力的极端主义口袋。这是一个艰难的地方。但那不是借口。对威胁美国的恐怖分子来说，不能有避风港。我们不能因为行动困难而不采取行动。 This is the wild frontier of our globalized world. There are wind-swept deserts and cave-dotted mountains. There are tribes that see borders as nothing more than lines on a map, and governments as forces that come and go. There are blood ties deeper than alliances of convenience, and pockets of extremism that follow religion to violence. It is a tough place.
作为总统，我将把数亿美元的美国对巴军事援助作为条件，并明确我们的条件：巴基斯坦必须在关闭训练营、驱逐外国战斗人员以及阻止塔利班利用巴基斯坦作为袭击阿富汗的集结地方面取得实质性进展。我理解穆沙拉夫总统有他自己的挑战。 But that is no excuse. There must be no safe-havens for terrorists who threaten America. We cannot fail to act just because action is hard.
但让我明确一点：有恐怖分子藏在那些山区，他们谋杀了3000名美国人。他们在密谋再次袭击。2005年我们有机会消灭一次基地组织领导人会议却失败了，这是一个可怕的错误。 As President, I would make hundreds of millions of dollars in U.S. military aid to Pakistan conditional, and I would make our conditions clear: Pakistan must make substantial progress in closing down the training camps, evicting foreign fighters, and preventing the Taliban from using Pakistan as a staging area for attacks in Afghanistan.
如果我们有关于高价值恐怖分子目标的可执行情报，而穆沙拉夫总统不愿采取行动，我们将采取行动。巴基斯坦对抗极端主义所需的不仅仅是F-16。当巴基斯坦政府增加对世俗教育的投资来对抗激进宗教学校时，我的政府将增加美国的承诺。我们必须帮助巴基斯坦在阿富汗边境省份投资，这样极端主义的仇恨计划才能遇到希望的计划。我们也不能对既不自由也不公平的选举视而不见。 Now I understand that President Musharraf has his own challenges. But let me make this clear: There are terrorists holed up in those mountains who murdered 3,000 Americans. They are plotting to strike again. It was a terrible mistake to fail to act when we had a chance to take out an al Qaeda leadership meeting in 2005. If we have actionable intelligence about high-valued terrorist targets and President Musharraf will not act, we will.
我们的目标不仅仅是巴基斯坦的一个盟友，而是一个民主的盟友。除了巴基斯坦，还有一个核心的恐怖分子——可能有数万人——他们选择了攻击美国。 And Pakistan needs more than F-16s to combat extremism. As the Pakistani government increases investment in secular education to counter radical madrasas, my Administration will increase America's commitment. We must help Pakistan invest in the provinces along the Afghan border, so that extremist programs of hate are met with programs of hope. And we must not turn a blind eye to elections that are neither free nor fair. Our goal is not simply an ally in Pakistan, it is a democratic ally.
因此，我战略的第二步将是建立我们的能力和伙伴关系，在全世界追踪、捕获或消灭恐怖分子，并阻止他们获得世界上最危险的武器。我将毫不犹豫地使用军事力量来打击对美国构成直接威胁的恐怖分子。这需要广泛的能力，正如陆军和海军陆战队新的反叛乱手册中所概述的。 Beyond Pakistan, there's a core of terrorists -- probably in the tens of thousands -- who have made their choice to attack America. So the second step in my strategy will be to build our capacity and our partnership to track down, capture or kill terrorists around the world, and to deny them the world's most dangerous weapons.
我将确保我们的军队在捕获或消灭恐怖分子方面变得更加隐蔽、敏捷和致命。我们需要招募、训练和装备我们的武装力量，以更好地打击恐怖分子，并帮助外国军队也这样做。这必须包括一项计划，以增强我们说不同语言、理解不同文化以及与民用机构协调复杂任务的能力。为了取得成功，我们必须提高我们的民用能力。世界上最优秀的军队正在适应21世纪的挑战。 I will not hesitate to use military force to take out terrorists who pose a direct threat to America. This requires a broad set of capabilities, as outlined in the Army and Marine Corps's new counter-insurgency manual. I'll ensure that our military becomes more stealth, agile, and lethal in its ability to capture or kill terrorists. We need to recruit, train, and equip our armed forces to better target terrorists, and to help foreign militaries to do the same.
但如果没有能够执行经济和政治重建任务的民用对应物——有时在危险的地方，它就无法对抗叛乱和恐怖威胁。作为总统，我将加强这些民用能力，招募我们最优秀和最聪明的人来迎接这一挑战。我将增加我们外交官、发展专家和其他能够与军队并肩工作的民用人员的数量和能力。我们不能只说没有军事解决方案，除非我们实际上有其他方法。我们需要整合美国军事力量的所有方面。 This has to include a program to bolster our ability to speak different languages, understand different cultures, and coordinate complex missions with our civilian agencies.
这一整合方法的一个组成部分将是一个新的机动发展小组，它汇集来自国务院、五角大楼和美国国际开发署的人员。这些小组将与民间社会和地方政府合作，立即对人们的生活产生影响，并扭转极端主义的潮流。 To succeed, we must improve our civilian capacity. The finest military in the world is adapting to the challenges of the 21st century. But it cannot counter insurgent and terrorist threats without civilian counterparts who can carry out economic and political reconstruction missions -- sometimes in dangerous places. As President, I will strengthen these civilian capabilities, recruiting our best and brightest to take on this challenge. I'll increase both the number and capabilities of our diplomats, development experts, and other civilians who can work alongside our military.
在人们最脆弱的地方，在希望之光变得暗淡的地方，在我们能够在推进安全与机会方面产生真正影响的地方——那就是这些小组将去的地方。我还将加强我们的情报工作。这不仅仅是一个组织结构图的问题。 We can't just say there is no military solution to the problems unless we actually have other approaches. We need to integrate all aspects of American military power.
我们需要迫使各机构共享信息的领导力，以及从不、从不歪曲事实来支持坏政策的领导力。但我们也必须建设我们的能力，以更好地收集和分析信息，并开展行动来破坏恐怖阴谋和打破恐怖网络。这不能仅仅是美国的任务。 One component of this integrated approach will be a new Mobile Development Team that brings together personnel from State Department, the Pentagon, and USAID. These teams will work with civil society and local governments to make an immediate impact on peoples' lives, and to turn the tide against extremism. Where people are most vulnerable, where the light of hope has grown dark, and where we are in a position to make real differences in advancing security and opportunity -- that is where these teams will go.
基地组织及其盟友在近100个国家活动。美国不能窃取每一个秘密，渗透每一个细胞，根据每一个提示采取行动，或单独追踪每一个恐怖分子——我们也不应该必须这样做。这不仅仅关乎我们的安全。这关乎全世界的共同安全。 I'll also strengthen our intelligence. This is about more than an organizational chart. We need leadership that forces our agencies to share information, and leadership that never, ever twists the facts to support bad policies. But we also have to build our capacity to better collect and analyze information, and to carry out operations to disrupt terrorist plots and break up terrorist networks.
作为总统，我将创建一个共享安全伙伴关系计划，以建立一个国际情报和执法基础设施，从印度尼西亚最偏远的岛屿到非洲庞大的城市，打击恐怖网络。 This cannot just be an American mission. Al Qaeda and its allies operate in nearly 100 countries. The United States cannot steal every secret, penetrate every cell, act on every tip, or track down every terrorist by itself -- nor should we have to do this by ourselves. This is not just about our security. It's about the common security of all the world.
该计划将在三年内提供50亿美元用于与世界各地国家的反恐合作，包括信息共享、恐怖主义训练资金、行动、边境安全、反腐败计划、技术以及打击恐怖分子融资。这一努力将侧重于帮助我们的伙伴在没有压制性策略的情况下取得成功，因为暴行滋生恐怖——它不会打败恐怖。 As President, I will create a Shared Security Partnership Program to forge an international intelligence and law enforcement infrastructure to take down terrorist networks from the remotest islands of Indonesia, to the sprawling cities of Africa. This program will provide five billion dollars over three years for counter-terrorism cooperation with countries around the world, including information sharing, funding for terror training, operations, border security, anti-corruption programs, technology, and targeting terrorist financing.
我们还必须做更多的工作来保障世界上最危险的武器。这是我之前详细谈过的事情。我们知道基地组织寻求核武器。我们知道他们会毫不犹豫地使用它。然而，仍有约50吨高浓缩铀，其中一些安全性差，分布在四十多个国家的民用核设施中。仍有约15000至16000枚核武器和铀及钚储备分散在前苏联的11个时区中。 And this effort will focus on helping our partners succeed without repressive tactics, because brutality breeds terror -- it does not defeat it.
这就是为什么我在参议院与共和党人迪克·卢格参议员合作通过了一项法律，帮助美国和我们的盟友探测和阻止大规模杀伤性武器的走私。这就是为什么我与查克·哈格尔一起提出一项法案，寻求防止核恐怖主义、削减全球核武库并阻止核武器扩散。这也是为什么，作为总统，我将领导一个全球努力，在四年内保护所有脆弱地点的核武器和材料。这是我们能做到的。我们必须停止在这方面的投入不足。 We must also do more to safeguard the world's most dangerous weapons. This is something that I've spoken about extensively before. We know al Qaeda seeks a nuclear weapon. We know they would not hesitate to use one. Yet there's still about 50 tons of highly enriched uranium, some of it poorly secured, at civilian nuclear facilities in over forty countries. There are still about 15,000 to 16,000 nuclear weapons and stockpiles of uranium and plutonium scattered across 11 time zones in the former Soviet Union.
在我们努力保护现有库存的同时，我们还应谈判一个可核查的全球禁令，禁止生产新的核武器材料。我也不会犹豫使用美国外交力量来阻止各国获得这些武器或支持恐怖主义。布什年代的教训是，不谈判不起作用。 That's why I worked in the Senate with Republican Senator Dick Lugar to pass a law that would help the United States and our allies detect and stop the smuggling of weapons of mass destruction. That's why I'm introducing a bill with Chuck Hagel that seeks to prevent nuclear terrorism, reduce global nuclear arsenals, and stop the spread of nuclear weapons. And that is why, as President, I will lead a global effort to secure all nuclear weapons and material at vulnerable sites within four years. This is something that we can do. We have to stop short-changing it.
看看我们忽视的国家清单，看看那种策略有多成功。我们没有与伊朗谈判，他们继续发展核计划。我们没有与叙利亚谈判，他们继续支持恐怖主义。我们尝试过不与朝鲜谈判，他们现在有足够的材料制造六到八枚更多的核武器。 While we work to secure existing stockpiles, we should also negotiate a verifiable global ban on the production of new nuclear weapons material.
是时候翻开强硬言论和不行动的外交新篇章了。是时候翻开华盛顿的传统智慧新篇章——协议必须在会面之前达成，与其他国家谈判是某种奖励，总统只能与愿意告诉他们想听的话的人会面。肯尼迪总统说得最好："让我们永远不要因为恐惧而谈判，但让我们永远不要害怕谈判。"只有了解你的对手，你才能击败他们或在他们之间制造裂痕。 I also won't hesitate to use the power of American diplomacy to stop countries from obtaining these weapons or sponsoring terrorism. The lesson of the Bush years is that not talking does not work. Go down the list of countries we've ignored and see how successful that strategy has been. We haven't talked to Iran, and they continue to build their nuclear program. We haven't talked to Syria, and they continue to support terror. We tried not talking to North Korea, and they now have enough material for six to eight more nuclear weapons.
作为总统，我将与我们的朋友和盟友合作，但我不会把我们的外交外包给欧洲人——在德黑兰外包给欧洲人，在平壤外包给中国人。我将做需要的仔细准备，让这些国家知道我的立场。 It's time to turn the page on the diplomacy of tough talk and no action. It's time to turn the page on Washington's conventional wisdom that agreement must be reached before you meet, that talking to other countries is some kind of reward, and that Presidents can only meet with people who will tell them what they want to hear.
他们将不再有美国不妥协的借口，尽管他们将有我们的条件：不支持恐怖主义，不发展核武器。但美国必须不仅仅是打击恐怖分子和锁定武器，否则新的恐怖分子将涌现出来取代我们消灭的每一个人。这就是为什么我战略的第三步将是枯竭极端主义的支持源泉。 President Kennedy said it best: "Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate." Only by knowing your adversary can you defeat them or drive wedges between them. As President, I will work with our friends and our allies, but I won't outsource our diplomacy to Tehran -- in Tehran to the Europeans, or our diplomacy in Pyongyang to the Chinese. I will do the careful preparation that's needed, and let these countries know where I stand.
当你作为美国参议员前往世界的热点地区时，你看到的大部分东西都是从直升机上看到的。所以你向外看，转子的嗡嗡声在耳边，也许旁边有一个门炮手，你看到达尔富尔的难民营，吉布提附近的血腥——吉布提附近的洪水，巴格达被炸毁的街区。你看到了成千上万绝望的面孔。 They will no longer have the excuse of American intransigence, although they will have our terms: no support for terror and no nuclear weapons.
但你只是从远处看到他们。基地组织的新成员来自非洲和亚洲、中东和欧洲。许多来自不满的社区和我们相互联系的世界中被孤立的角落。 But America must be more than taking out terrorists and locking up weapons, or else new terrorists will rise up and take the place of every one we capture or kill. That's why the third step in my strategy will be drying up the rising well of support for extremism.
这让你停下来思考：当那些面孔仰望美国直升机时，他们感受到的是希望还是仇恨？我们知道极端分子在哪里茁壮成长：在作为怨恨和无政府主义孵化器的冲突地区；在无法控制其边境或领土，或无法满足其人民基本需求的脆弱国家。从非洲到中亚到太平洋地区——近60个国家处于冲突或崩溃的边缘。极端分子用他们充满仇恨的网站鼓励对这些绝望之地的剥削。 When you travel to the world's trouble spots as a U.S. Senator, much of what you see is from helicopters. So you look out, with the buzz of the rotor in your ear, maybe a door gunner nearby, and you see the refugee camps in Darfur, the blood near Djibouti -- the flood near Djibouti, the bombed out blocks in Baghdad. You see the thousands of desperate faces. But you only see them from a distance.
我们知道极端分子对我们说的话：美国只是穆斯林土地上的占领军，是阿布格莱布监狱盒子上蒙着头巾的身影，是一个压制性领导人王位背后的力量。他们说我们在与伊斯兰教交战。那是极端分子在这场思想之战中除了指责之外什么也不提供的低语——指责美国，指责进步，指责犹太人。 Al Qaeda's new recruits come from Africa and Asia, the Middle East and Europe. Many come from disaffected communities and disconnected corners of our interconnected world. And it makes you stop and wonder: When those faces look up at an American helicopter, do they feel hope, or do they feel hate?
而且他经常在仇恨之外还提供一些东西。一种赋权感。也许是在宗教学校的教育，给你家人的一些慈善，社区里的一些基本服务。然后——一个使命和一把枪。 We know where extremists thrive: in conflict zones that are incubators of resentment and anarchy; in weak states that cannot control their borders or territories, or meet the basic needs of their people. From Africa to central Asia to the Pacific Rim -- nearly 60 countries stand on the brink of conflict or collapse. The extremists encourage the exploitation of these hopeless places with their hate-filled websites.
我们知道我们不是他们所说的那样。美国在与在我们国土上杀人的恐怖分子交战。我们没有与伊斯兰教交战。美国是一个富有同情心的国家，希望所有人都有更美好的未来。世界上13亿穆斯林中的绝大多数对本·拉登或他的破产思想没有任何用处。 And we know what the extremists say about us: America is just an occupying Army in Muslim lands, the shadow of a shrouded figure standing on a box at Abu Ghraib, the power behind the throne of a repressive leader. They say we are at war with Islam. That's the whispered line of the extremist who has nothing to offer in this battle of ideas but blame -- blame America, blame progress, blame Jews. And often he offers something along with the hate. A sense of empowerment. Maybe an education at a madrasa, some charity for your family, some basic services in the neighborhood.
但9/11之后的太多时候，是极端分子定义了我们，而不是我们定义自己。当我成为总统时，这将会改变。我们将讲述我们自己的故事。我们确实需要支持民主。而我将会。但民主不仅仅是一个投票箱。 And then -- a mission and a gun.
美国必须通过行动和言语表明——我们与那些寻求更美好生活的人站在一起。那个仰望直升机的孩子必须看到美国并感受到希望。作为总统，我将把推动消除产生仇恨的绝望浪潮作为外交政策的一个焦点。 We know we are not who they say we are. America is at war with the terrorists who killed people on our soil. We're not at war with Islam. America is a compassionate nation that wants a better future for all people. The vast majority of the world's 1.3 billion Muslims have no use for bin Ladin or his bankrupt ideas. But too often since 9/11, the extremists have defined us, not the other way around.
自由必须意味着免于恐惧的自由，而不是无政府状态的自由。我将永远不会像拉姆斯菲尔德部长那样耸耸肩说——"自由是不整洁的。"我将把我们的支持集中在帮助各国建立独立的司法系统、诚实的警察部队以及透明和负责任的金融体系上。 When I am President, that will change. We will author our own story. We do need to stand for democracy. And I will. But democracy is more than a ballot box. America must show -- through deeds as well as words -- that we stand with those who seek a better life. That child looking up at the helicopter must see America and feel hope.
自由也意味着免于匮乏的自由，而不是因饥饿而丧失的自由。所以我将把减贫作为帮助其他国家减少混乱和无政府状态的关键部分。我将把我们为应对这些挑战的投资翻倍，到2012年达到500亿美元。我还将支持一个20亿美元的全球教育基金来对抗激进宗教学校——这些学校常常由来自沙特阿拉伯的资金资助——它们用仇恨的信息填充年轻人的头脑。 As President, I will make it a focus of my foreign policy to roll back the tide of hopelessness that gives rise to hate. Freedom must mean freedom from fear, not freedom of anarchy. I will never shrug my shoulders and say -- as Secretary Rumsfeld did -- "Freedom is untidy." I will focus our support on helping nations build independent judicial systems, honest police forces, and financial systems that are transparent and accountable. Freedom also means freedom from want, not freedom lost to an empty stomach.
我们必须为一个世界而努力，在这个世界里，每个地方的每个孩子都被教导去建设而不是破坏。当我们领导时，我们也将向欧洲和亚洲的朋友们要求更多——更多支持我们的外交，更多支持多边维和，更多支持重建被冲突蹂躏的社会。我还将启动一个在我的政府内协调的公共外交计划，而不是由国务院一小群政治官员来解释一场错误的战争。 So I'll make poverty reduction a key part of helping other nations reduce chaos and anarchy.
我们将在伊斯兰世界的城市开设"美国之家"，提供互联网、图书馆、英语课程、美国穆斯林的故事以及他们为国家增添的力量，以及职业项目。通过一个新的"美国之声队"，我们将招募、训练并派遣有才华的年轻美国人到现场，他们能够与今天只能从敌人那里了解我们的人交流和倾听。作为总统，我将领导这一努力。在我就职的第一百天内，我将前往一个主要的伊斯兰论坛并发表讲话来重新定义我们的斗争。 I will double our investments to meet these challenges to 50 billion dollars by 2012. And I will support a 2 billion dollar Global Education Fund to counter the radical madrasas -- often funded by money from within Saudi Arabia -- that have filled young minds with messages of hate. We must work for a world where every child, everywhere, is taught to build and not to destroy. And as we lead we will ask for more from our friends in Europe and Asia as well -- more support for our diplomacy, more support for multilateral peacekeeping, and more support to rebuild societies ravaged by conflict.
我将明确表示，我们没有与伊斯兰教交战，我们将与那些愿意为自己的未来站出来的人站在一起，我们需要他们的努力来击败仇恨和暴力的预言家。我将直接对那个仰望直升机的孩子说，我的信息将是明确的："你对我们很重要。你的未来就是我们的未来。 I will also launch a program of public diplomacy that is coordinated across my Administration, not a small group of political officials in the State Department explaining a misguided war. We will open "America Houses" in cities across the Islamic world, with the Internet, libraries, English lessons, stories of America's Muslims and the strength they add to our country, and vocational programs.
我们的时刻就是现在。" 这带我到了我战略的第四步：我将明确表示，损害我们价值观的日子已经结束。保罗·伊顿少将为这个国家有一个漫长而卓越的职业生涯。这包括训练伊拉克军队。 Through a new "America's Voice Corps" we will recruit, train, and send out into the field talented young Americans who can speak with and listen to the people who today hear about us only from our enemies.
在阿布格莱布监狱事件后，他的高级伊拉克顾问走进他的办公室说："你不知道这将如何——这将在巴格达的街道和阿拉伯世界的其他地方上演。怎么会这样？"这不是这个伊拉克人曾经敬仰的美国。 As President, I will lead this effort. In the first hundred days of my Administration, I will travel to a major Islamic forum and deliver an address to redefine our struggle. I will make clear that we are not at war with Islam, that we will stand up with -- we will stand with those who are willing to stand up for their future, and that we need their effort to defeat the prophets of hate and violence. I will speak directly to that child who looks up at that helicopter, and my message will be clear: "You matter to us. Your future is our future. And our moment is now."
正如反叛乱手册提醒我们的，除非我们保持高地并让人们站在我们这边，否则我们无法赢得战争。但因为政府决定走低路，我们的军队有了更多的敌人。因为政府抛弃了反映美国价值观的国际规范，我们不那么能够推广我们的价值观。 This brings me to the fourth step in my strategy: I will make clear that the days of compromising our values are over. Major General Paul Eaton had a long and distinguished career serving this country. It included training the Iraqi Army. After Abu Ghraib, his senior Iraqi advisor came into his office and said: "You have no idea how will this play -- this will play out in the streets of Baghdad and the rest of the Arab world. How can this be?" This was not the America this Iraqi had looked up to.
当我成为总统时，美国将毫不例外地拒绝酷刑。美国是以前反对那种行为的国家，我们将再次这样做。我还将拒绝一个不起作用的法律框架。关塔那摩只有一次定罪。那是因为对恐怖主义的物质支持而认罪。 As the counter-insurgency manual reminds us, we cannot win a war unless we maintain the high ground and keep the people on our side. But because the Administration decided to take the low road, our troops have more enemies. Because the Administration cast aside international norms that reflect American values, we are less able to promote our values. When I am President, America will reject torture without exception. America is the country that stood against that kind of behavior before, and we will do so again.
刑期只有九个月。没有一次恐怖行为的定罪。我信任美国的法院，我信任我们的军法署署长。作为总统，我将关闭关塔那摩，拒绝军事委员会法，并遵守日内瓦公约。我们的宪法和我们的军事司法统一法典为对付恐怖分子提供了框架。 I will also reject a legal framework that does not work. There has been only one conviction at Guantanamo. It was for a guilty plea on material support for terrorism. The sentence was nine months long. There has not been one conviction of a terrorist act. I have faith in America's courts, and I have faith in our JAGs. As President, I will close Guantanamo, reject the Military Commissions Act, and adhere to the Geneva Conventions. Our Constitution and our Uniform Code of Military Justice provide a framework for dealing with the terrorists.
这个政府还在我们珍视的自由与我们提供的安全之间提出了一个错误的选择。我将为我们的情报和执法机构提供他们需要的工具来追踪和消灭恐怖分子，而不会破坏我们的宪法和我们的自由。这意味着不再非法窃听美国公民；不再发送国家安全信件来监视未被怀疑犯罪的公民；不再跟踪那些仅仅抗议一场错误战争的公民；不再在不方便的时候忽视法律。 This Administration also puts forward a false choice between the liberties we cherish and the security we provide. I will provide our intelligence and law enforcement agencies with the tools they need to track and take out the terrorists without undermining our Constitution and our freedom.
这不是我们是谁。这也不是击败恐怖分子所必需的。外国情报监视法法院起作用了。 That means no more illegal wire-tapping of American citizens; no more national security letters to spy on citizens who are not suspected of a crime; no more tracking citizens who do nothing more than protest a misguided war; no more ignoring the law when it is inconvenient. That is not who we are. And it's not what is necessary to defeat the terrorists. The FISA court works. The separation of powers works. Our Constitution works. We will again set an example for the world that the law is not subject to the whims of stubborn rulers, and that justice is not arbitrary.
权力分立起作用了。我们的宪法起作用了。我们将再次为世界树立榜样，法律不受固执统治者的反复无常支配，正义不是任意的。 This Administration acts like violating civil liberties is the way to enhance our security. It is not. There are no shortcuts to protecting America, and that is why the fifth part of my strategy is doing the hard and patient work to secure a more resilient homeland.
这个政府表现得好像侵犯公民自由是增强我们安全的方法。事实并非如此。保护美国没有捷径可走，这就是为什么我战略的第五部分是做艰苦而耐心的工作来确保一个更有韧性的家园。太经常地，这个政府对国土安全的做法是撒钱并回避艰难选择，或者吓唬美国人而不告诉他们该害怕什么或该做什么。 Too often this Administration's approach to homeland security has been to scatter money around and avoid hard choices, or to scare Americans without telling them what to be scared of, or what to do. A Department set up to make Americans feel safer didn't even show up when bodies drifted through the streets in New Orleans. That's not acceptable.
一个为了让美国人感到更安全而设立的部门，在新奥尔良的尸体漂过街道时甚至没有出现。这是不可接受的。我的政府将采取一种以风险为指导的国土安全方法。 My Administration will take an approach to homeland security guided by risk. I will establish a Quadrennial Review at the Department of Homeland Security -- just like at the Pentagon -- to undertake a top to bottom review of the threats we face and our ability to confront them. And I'll develop a comprehensive National Infrastructure Protection Plan that draws on both local know-how and national priorities.
我将在国土安全部设立一个四年期审查——就像在五角大楼一样——对我们面临的威胁和我们应对的能力进行自上而下的审查。我还将制定一个全面的国家基础设施保护计划，结合地方专业知识和国家优先事项。我们必须把资源放在基础设施最脆弱的地方。 We have to put the resources where our infrastructure is most vulnerable. That means tough and permanent standards for securing our chemical plants; improving our capability to screen cargo and investing in safeguards that will prevent the disruption of our ports; and making sure our energy sector -- our refineries and pipelines and power grids -- is protected so that terrorists cannot cripple our economy.
这意味着为我们的化工厂制定严格和永久的安全标准；提高我们筛查货物的能力并投资于防止港口中断的保障措施；确保我们的能源部门——我们的炼油厂、管道和电网——受到保护，使恐怖分子不能使我们的经济瘫痪。我们还必须超越一个自上而下的方法。 We also have to get past a top-down approach. Folks across America are the ones on the front lines. On 9/11, it was citizens -- empowered by their knowledge of the World Trade Center attacks -- who protected our government by heroically taking action on Flight 93 to keep it from reaching our nation's capital. When I have information that can empower Americans, I will share it with Americans.
全美国的人们是第一线的人。在9/11事件中，是公民——通过他们对世贸中心袭击的了解而被赋能——通过在93号航班上英勇采取行动阻止其到达我们国家的首都，保护了我们的政府。 Information sharing with state and local governments must be a two-way street, because we never know where the two pieces of the puzzle are that might fit together -- the tip from Afghanistan, and the cop who sees something suspicious on Michigan Avenue. I will increase funding to gather information and connect it to the intelligence they receive from the federal government. I will address the problem of our prisons, where the most disaffected and disconnected Americans are being explicitly targeted for conversion by al Qaeda and its ideological allies.
当我有能赋能美国人的信息时，我将与美国人分享。与州和地方政府的信息共享必须是双向的，因为我们永远不知道拼图中哪两块可能拼在一起——来自阿富汗的线索，以及在密歇根大道上看到可疑情况的警察。我将增加资金来收集信息并将其连接到他们从联邦政府收到的情报。我将解决我们监狱的问题，在那里最不满和最孤立的美国人正被基地组织及其意识形态盟友明确地作为皈依目标。 And my Administration will not permit more lives to be lost because emergency responders are not outfitted with the communications capability and protective equipment their jobs require, or because the federal government is too slow to respond when disaster strikes. We've been through that on 9/11. We've been through that during Katrina. I will ensure that we have the resources and competent federal leadership we need to support our communities when American lives are at stake.
我的政府也不会允许更多的生命因为紧急救援人员没有配备其工作所需的通信能力和防护设备，或者因为联邦政府在灾难来袭时行动太慢而丧失。我们在9/11事件中经历过那种情况。我们在卡特里娜飓风期间经历过那种情况。 But this effort can't just be about what we ask of our men and women in uniform. It can't just be about how we spend our time or our money. Ultimately, it's about the kind of country we are.
我将确保我们有资源和有能力的联邦领导来在美国人生命受到威胁时支持我们的社区。但这一努力不能仅仅关乎我们对军人男女的要求。它不能仅仅关乎我们如何花费时间或金钱。最终，它关乎我们是什么样的国家。 We are in the early stages of a long struggle. Yet since 9/11, we've heard a lot about what America can't do or shouldn't do or won't even try to do. We can't vote against a misguided war in Iraq because that would make us look weak. We can't talk to other countries because that would be a reward. We can't reach out to the hundreds of millions of Muslims who reject terror because we worry that they hate us. We can't protect the homeland because there are too many targets, or secure our people while staying true to our values.
我们正处于一场长期斗争的早期阶段。然而自9/11以来，我们听到了很多关于美国不能做什么、不应该做什么或甚至不会尝试做什么的话。我们不能投票反对一场错误的伊拉克战争，因为那会让我们看起来很软弱。 We can't get past the America of Red States and Blue States, the politics of who's up and who's down because that's how politics has come to be done in America.
我们不能与其他国家谈判，因为那会是一种奖励。我们不能接触数以亿计的拒绝恐怖主义的穆斯林，因为我们担心他们恨我们。我们不能保护家园，因为目标太多，或在忠于价值观的同时保卫我们的人民。 That is not the America that I know. The America I know is the last, best hope for a child looking up at a helicopter. It's the country that put a man on the moon, a country that defeated fascism and helped rebuild Europe. It's a country whose strength abroad is measured not just by armies, but rather by the power of our ideals, and by our purpose to forge an ever more perfect union at home.
我们不能超越红州和蓝州的美国，超越谁上谁下的政治，因为那就是美国政治的运作方式。这不是我所知道的美国。我所知道的美国是仰望直升机的孩子最后的、最好的希望。它是把人送上月球的国家，一个击败法西斯主义并帮助重建欧洲的国家。它是一个其海外力量不仅以军队来衡量的国家，更是以我们理想的力量，以及我们在国内锻造一个更完美联盟的决心来衡量的。这就是我所知道的美国。 That's the America I know. We just have to act like it again to write that next chapter in the American story. If we do, we can keep America safe while extending security and opportunity around the world. We can hold true to our values, and in doing so advance those values abroad. And we can be what that child looking up at a helicopter needs us to be: the relentless opponent of terror and tyranny, and the light of hope to the world.
我们只需要再次表现得像它一样，来写下美国故事的下一章。如果我们这样做，我们就能在向世界扩展安全与机会的同时保护美国的安全。我们能忠于我们的价值观，并在此过程中在国外推进这些价值观。我们能成为仰望直升机的孩子需要我们成为的人：恐怖和暴政的无情对手，以及世界的希望之光。为了让这个故事成为现实，美国人必须团结起来，改变这个国家的基本方向。这需要新一代年轻人的服务。 To make this story a reality, it's going to take Americans coming together and changing the fundamental direction of this country. It's going to take the service of a new generation of young people. It's going to take facing tragedy head-on and turning it into the next generation's triumph. That's a challenge that I welcome. Because when we do make that change, we will do more than win a war -- we'll live up to that calling to make America, and the world, safer, freer, and more hopeful than we found it.
这需要正面面对悲剧并将其转化为下一代的胜利。这是一个我欢迎的挑战。因为当我们做出那个改变时，我们将不仅仅是赢得一场战争——我们将履行那个让美国和世界比我们发现的更安全、更自由、更有希望的使命。非常感谢大家。谢谢。 Thank you very much everybody. Thank you.
