Thank you, General Caslen, for that introduction. To General Trainor, General Clarke, the faculty and staff at West Point -- you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the United States Army. I’d like to acknowledge the Army’s leadership -- General McHugh -- Secretary McHugh, General Odierno, as well as Senator Jack Reed, who is here, and a proud graduate of West Point himself. 感谢卡斯伦将军的介绍。特雷纳将军、克拉克将军，以及西点军校的教师和工作人员，你们是这所令人自豪的学府出色的守护者，也是美国陆军最新一批军官的杰出导师。我还要向陆军领导层致意：麦克休将军——麦克休部长、奥迪尔诺将军，以及今天在场的杰克·里德参议员；他本人也是一位以西点军校为荣的毕业生。
To the class of 2014, I congratulate you on taking your place on the Long Gray Line. Among you is the first all-female command team -- Erin Mauldin and Austen Boroff. In Calla Glavin, you have a Rhodes Scholar. And Josh Herbeck proves that West Point accuracy extends beyond the three-point line. To the entire class, let me reassure you in these final hours at West Point: As Commander-in-Chief, I hereby absolve all cadets who are on restriction for minor conduct offenses. Let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when I was in school. 祝贺2014届毕业生加入西点军校源远流长的“灰色长队”。你们中有首个全部由女性组成的指挥团队——艾琳·莫尔丁和奥斯汀·博罗夫；有罗德学者卡拉·格拉文。乔什·赫贝克则证明，西点军校的精准本领也能延伸到三分线之外。对全体毕业生，在你们留校的最后几个小时里，我要给你们一个保证：作为三军统帅，我在此免除所有因轻微行为违规而被限制活动的学员所受的处分。不过我得说，我上学时可没有人为我做过这件事。
I know you join me in extending a word of thanks to your families. Joe DeMoss, whose son James is graduating, spoke for a whole lot of parents when he wrote me a letter about the sacrifices you’ve made. “Deep inside,” he wrote, “we want to explode with pride at what they are committing to do in the service of our country.” Like several graduates, James is a combat veteran. And I would ask all of us here today to stand and pay tribute -- not only to the veterans among us, but to the more than 2.5 million Americans who have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as their families. 我知道，你们和我一样想感谢自己的家人。儿子詹姆斯今天毕业的乔·德莫斯在给我的信中，道出了许多父母的心声。他写道：“在内心深处，想到他们决心为国家效力，我们骄傲得简直要迸发出来。”和几位毕业生一样，詹姆斯曾参加战斗。我想请今天在场的所有人起立致敬：不仅向我们中间的退伍军人致敬，也向曾在伊拉克和阿富汗服役的两百五十多万美国人及其家属致敬。
This is a particularly useful time for America to reflect on those who have sacrificed so much for our freedom, a few days after Memorial Day. You are the first class to graduate since 9/11 who may not be sent into combat in Iraq or Afghanistan. When I first spoke at West Point in 2009, we still had more than 100,000 troops in Iraq. We were preparing to surge in Afghanistan. Our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al Qaeda’s core leadership -- those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks. 阵亡将士纪念日刚过去几天，此时尤其适合美国回想那些为我们的自由作出巨大牺牲的人。自“九一一”以来，你们是第一届毕业后可能不必被派往伊拉克或阿富汗作战的学员。我2009年首次在西点讲话时，我们在伊拉克仍有十多万军人，正准备向阿富汗增兵。反恐行动的重点是“基地”组织的核心领导层，也就是实施“九一一”袭击的那些人。
And our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic crisis since the Great Depression. 而我们的国家那时刚开始艰难地走出大萧条以来最严重的经济危机。
Four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed. We have removed our troops from Iraq. We are winding down our war in Afghanistan. Al Qaeda’s leadership on the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan has been decimated, and Osama bin Laden is no more. And through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of American strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home. 四年半后，在你们毕业之际，形势已经改变。我们已从伊拉克撤军，正在逐步结束阿富汗战争。“基地”组织在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境地区的领导层遭到重创，本·拉登也已不在。与此同时，我们重新把投资重点放在美国一向重要的力量源泉上：让国内经济增长，为每个愿意努力工作、承担责任的人提供机会。
In fact, by most measures, America has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world. Those who argue otherwise -- who suggest that America is in decline, or has seen its global leadership slip away -- are either misreading history or engaged in partisan politics. Think about it. Our military has no peer. The odds of a direct threat against us by any nation are low and do not come close to the dangers we faced during the Cold War. 事实上，从大多数指标来看，美国相对于世界其他国家很少有如今这样强大的时候。那些声称美国正在衰落、失去全球领导地位的人，要么误读历史，要么是在搞党派政治。想一想：我们的军队无可匹敌。任何国家直接威胁我们的可能性都很低，远不能与冷战时期的危险相比。
Meanwhile, our economy remains the most dynamic on Earth; our businesses the most innovative. Each year, we grow more energy independent. From Europe to Asia, we are the hub of alliances unrivaled in the history of nations. America continues to attract striving immigrants. The values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the globe. And when a typhoon hits the Philippines, or schoolgirls are kidnapped in Nigeria, or masked men occupy a building in Ukraine, it is America that the world looks to for help. 与此同时，我们的经济仍是地球上最有活力的经济，我们的企业最具创新精神。我们的能源独立程度逐年提高。从欧洲到亚洲，我们处在一个国家历史上无与伦比的联盟网络中心。美国继续吸引努力奋斗的移民。我们的建国价值观激励着世界各地议会中的领导人，也激励着公共广场上的新兴运动。当台风袭击菲律宾、尼日利亚女学生遭到绑架，或蒙面人占据乌克兰的一栋建筑时，世界寻求帮助的对象是美国。
So the United States is and remains the one indispensable nation. That has been true for the century passed and it will be true for the century to come. 因此，美国是、并将继续是那个不可或缺的国家。过去一个世纪如此，未来一个世纪也将如此。
But the world is changing with accelerating speed. This presents opportunity, but also new dangers. We know all too well, after 9/11, just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states in the hands of individuals, raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm. Russia’s aggression toward former Soviet states unnerves capitals in Europe, while China’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors. From Brazil to India, rising middle classes compete with us, and governments seek a greater say in global forums. 但世界正以前所未有的速度变化。这带来机会，也带来新的危险。“九一一”之后，我们太清楚技术与全球化如何把过去只有国家掌握的力量交到个人手中，使恐怖分子更有能力造成伤害。俄罗斯对前苏联加盟共和国的侵略令欧洲各国首都不安，中国的经济崛起和军事影响范围则使邻国忧虑。从巴西到印度，不断壮大的中产阶级与我们竞争，各国政府也希望在全球论坛中拥有更大的发言权。
And even as developing nations embrace democracy and market economies, 24-hour news and social media makes it impossible to ignore the continuation of sectarian conflicts and failing states and popular uprisings that might have received only passing notice a generation ago. 而且，即使发展中国家接受民主和市场经济，全天候新闻报道和社交媒体也让我们无法忽视教派冲突的延续、国家治理的失败和民众起义；这些事情在上一代人的年代或许只会得到短暂关注。
It will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world. The question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether America will lead, but how we will lead -- not just to secure our peace and prosperity, but also extend peace and prosperity around the globe. 回应这个新世界，是你们这一代人的任务。我们面临的问题，也是你们每个人将面临的问题，并非美国是否会发挥领导作用，而是我们如何领导：不仅保障自身的和平与繁荣，也把和平与繁荣扩展到世界各地。
Now, this question isn’t new. At least since George Washington served as Commander-in-Chief, there have been those who warned against foreign entanglements that do not touch directly on our security or economic wellbeing. Today, according to self-described realists, conflicts in Syria or Ukraine or the Central African Republic are not ours to solve. And not surprisingly, after costly wars and continuing challenges here at home, that view is shared by many Americans. 这个问题并不新鲜。至少从乔治·华盛顿担任三军统帅时起，就有人告诫我们，不要卷入与自身安全或经济福祉没有直接关系的外国事务。今天，在自称现实主义者的人看来，叙利亚、乌克兰或中非共和国的冲突并不是我们要解决的问题。经历代价高昂的战争、国内挑战又持续存在后，许多美国人持有这种看法并不奇怪。
A different view from interventionists from the left and right says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril; that America’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate safeguard against chaos, and America’s failure to act in the face of Syrian brutality or Russian provocations not only violates our conscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future. 左翼和右翼的干预主义者则持另一种看法：忽视这些冲突会给我们自己带来危险；美国愿意在世界各地使用武力，是防止混乱的最后保障。面对叙利亚的暴行或俄罗斯的挑衅，美国若不行动，不仅违背我们的良知，还会招致未来不断升级的侵略。
And each side can point to history to support its claims. But I believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment. It is absolutely true that in the 21st century American isolationism is not an option. We don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyond our borders. If nuclear materials are not secure, that poses a danger to American cities. As the Syrian civil war spills across borders, the capacity of battle-hardened extremist groups to come after us only increases. 双方都能从历史中找到支持自己主张的例子。但我认为，两种观点都未能充分回应此刻的要求。有一点绝对正确：在21世纪，美国不能选择孤立主义。我们不能无视国界以外发生的事。如果核材料得不到妥善保护，美国城市就会面临危险。随着叙利亚内战越过国界，身经百战的极端组织袭击我们的能力只会增强。
Regional aggression that goes unchecked -- whether in southern Ukraine or the South China Sea, or anywhere else in the world -- will ultimately impact our allies and could draw in our military. We can’t ignore what happens beyond our boundaries. 地区侵略如果不受遏制，无论发生在乌克兰南部、南海，还是世界其他地方，最终都会影响我们的盟友，也可能把我们的军队卷入其中。我们不能无视国界之外发生的事。
And beyond these narrow rationales, I believe we have a real stake, an abiding self-interest, in making sure our children and our grandchildren grow up in a world where schoolgirls are not kidnapped and where individuals are not slaughtered because of tribe or faith or political belief. I believe that a world of greater freedom and tolerance is not only a moral imperative, it also helps to keep us safe. 除了这些较为狭义的理由，我还认为，确保我们的子孙生活在一个女学生不会被绑架、人们不会因族群、信仰或政治观点而遭屠杀的世界，关系到我们切实而持久的自身利益。我相信，一个更加自由、宽容的世界不仅是道德上的要求，也有助于保障我们的安全。
But to say that we have an interest in pursuing peace and freedom beyond our borders is not to say that every problem has a military solution. Since World War II, some of our most costly mistakes came not from our restraint, but from our willingness to rush into military adventures without thinking through the consequences -- without building international support and legitimacy for our action; without leveling with the American people about the sacrifices required. Tough talk often draws headlines, but war rarely conforms to slogans. 但说我们有理由在国界之外追求和平与自由，并不意味着每个问题都能靠军事手段解决。第二次世界大战以来，我们付出代价最高昂的一些错误，并非源于克制，而是源于我们未想清后果便匆忙投入军事冒险：没有为行动争取国际支持与正当性，也没有向美国人民坦诚说明所需的牺牲。强硬言辞常能占据新闻头条，但战争很少会按口号发展。
As General Eisenhower, someone with hard-earned knowledge on this subject, said at this ceremony in 1947: “War is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly; to seek or advise its deliberate provocation is a black crime against all men.” 正如对这个问题有切身深刻认识的艾森豪威尔将军1947年在这场典礼上所说：“战争是人类最悲惨、最愚蠢的蠢行；蓄意挑起战争或建议这样做，是对全人类犯下的严重罪行。”
Like Eisenhower, this generation of men and women in uniform know all too well the wages of war, and that includes those of you here at West Point. Four of the servicemembers who stood in the audience when I announced the surge of our forces in Afghanistan gave their lives in that effort. A lot more were wounded. I believe America’s security demanded those deployments. But I am haunted by those deaths. I am haunted by those wounds. 和艾森豪威尔一样，这一代军人深知战争的代价，今天在西点的你们也是如此。当年我宣布向阿富汗增兵时，台下有四位军人后来在那项行动中牺牲，更多人受伤。我相信，美国的安全要求我们作出那次部署。但那些逝去的生命始终萦绕在我心头，那些伤痛也始终萦绕在我心头。
And I would betray my duty to you and to the country we love if I ever sent you into harm’s way simply because I saw a problem somewhere in the world that needed to be fixed, or because I was worried about critics who think military intervention is the only way for America to avoid looking weak. 如果我仅仅因为看见世界某处有问题需要解决，或担心那些认为只有军事干预才能避免美国显得软弱的批评者，就让你们身陷险境，那便是背弃了我对你们、对我们热爱的国家所负的责任。
Here’s my bottom line: America must always lead on the world stage. If we don’t, no one else will. The military that you have joined is and always will be the backbone of that leadership. But U.S. military action cannot be the only -- or even primary -- component of our leadership in every instance. Just because we have the best hammer does not mean that every problem is a nail. And because the costs associated with military action are so high, you should expect every civilian leader -- and especially your Commander-in-Chief -- to be clear about how that awesome power should be used. 我的基本立场是：美国必须始终在世界舞台上发挥领导作用。如果我们不这样做，就没有其他国家能够承担这个角色。你们加入的军队，是而且永远会是这种领导力的支柱。但美国的军事行动不能在每一种情况下都成为我们领导力的唯一手段，甚至不能总是主要手段。拥有最好的锤子，并不意味着每个问题都是钉子。正因为军事行动的代价如此高昂，你们有权期待每一位文职领导人，尤其是你们的三军统帅，明确说明应如何运用这种令人敬畏的力量。
So let me spend the rest of my time describing my vision for how the United States of America and our military should lead in the years to come, for you will be part of that leadership. 接下来，我想用余下的时间谈谈我对未来几年美利坚合众国及其军队如何发挥领导作用的设想，因为你们将成为这种领导力量的一部分。
First, let me repeat a principle I put forward at the outset of my presidency: The United States will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it -- when our people are threatened, when our livelihoods are at stake, when the security of our allies is in danger. In these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actions are proportional and effective and just. International opinion matters, but America should never ask permission to protect our people, our homeland, or our way of life. 第一，让我重申在担任总统之初提出的原则：当我们的核心利益要求时，美国将使用武力，必要时也会单独行动；例如，当我们的人民受到威胁、生计受到损害，或盟友的安全面临危险时。在这些情况下，我们仍须认真追问自己的行动是否合乎比例、是否有效、是否公正。国际舆论很重要，但美国绝不应为了保护自己的人民、国土或生活方式而去征求别人的许可。
On the other hand, when issues of global concern do not pose a direct threat to the United States, when such issues are at stake -- when crises arise that stir our conscience or push the world in a more dangerous direction but do not directly threaten us -- then the threshold for military action must be higher. In such circumstances, we should not go it alone. Instead, we must mobilize allies and partners to take collective action. We have to broaden our tools to include diplomacy and development; sanctions and isolation; appeals to international law; 另一方面，当全球关切的问题并不直接威胁美国，也就是说，当危机触动我们的良知，或将世界推向更危险的方向，却不直接威胁我们时，动用武力的门槛就必须更高。在这种情况下，我们不应单独行动，而必须动员盟友与伙伴采取集体行动。我们需要扩充工具箱，运用外交与发展援助、制裁与孤立，以及诉诸国际法；
and, if just, necessary and effective, multilateral military action. In such circumstances, we have to work with others because collective action in these circumstances is more likely to succeed, more likely to be sustained, less likely to lead to costly mistakes. 如果公正、必要且有效，也可以采取多边军事行动。在这种情况下，我们必须同其他国家合作，因为集体行动更可能成功、更可能持久，也更不容易导致代价高昂的错误。
This leads to my second point: For the foreseeable future, the most direct threat to America at home and abroad remains terrorism. But a strategy that involves invading every country that harbors terrorist networks is naïve and unsustainable. I believe we must shift our counterterrorism strategy -- drawing on the successes and shortcomings of our experience in Iraq and Afghanistan -- to more effectively partner with countries where terrorist networks seek a foothold. 这引出我的第二点：在可预见的未来，恐怖主义仍是美国国内外最直接的威胁。但入侵每个窝藏恐怖网络的国家，既天真也不可持续。我认为，我们必须借鉴在伊拉克和阿富汗的成功经验与不足，调整反恐战略，更有效地与恐怖网络企图立足的国家结成伙伴。
And the need for a new strategy reflects the fact that today’s principal threat no longer comes from a centralized al Qaeda leadership. Instead, it comes from decentralized al Qaeda affiliates and extremists, many with agendas focused in countries where they operate. And this lessens the possibility of large-scale 9/11-style attacks against the homeland, but it heightens the danger of U.S. personnel overseas being attacked, as we saw in Benghazi. It heightens the danger to less defensible targets, as we saw in a shopping mall in Nairobi. 需要新战略，也反映出今天的主要威胁不再来自统一指挥的“基地”组织领导层，而是来自分散的“基地”组织分支和极端分子；其中许多人的目标集中在其活动所在国家。这降低了类似“九一一”的大规模袭击美国本土的可能性，却提高了美国驻外人员遇袭的危险，正如班加西事件所示；也加大了防护较弱的目标遭袭的风险，正如内罗毕购物中心袭击所示。
So we have to develop a strategy that matches this diffuse threat -- one that expands our reach without sending forces that stretch our military too thin, or stir up local resentments. We need partners to fight terrorists alongside us. And empowering partners is a large part of what we have done and what we are currently doing in Afghanistan. 因此，我们必须制定与这种分散威胁相称的战略：扩大行动范围，同时避免派出让军队过度分散的部队，也避免激起当地怨恨。我们需要伙伴与我们并肩打击恐怖分子。赋予伙伴能力，正是我们过去和现在在阿富汗所做工作的重要部分。
Together with our allies, America struck huge blows against al Qaeda core and pushed back against an insurgency that threatened to overrun the country. But sustaining this progress depends on the ability of Afghans to do the job. And that’s why we trained hundreds of thousands of Afghan soldiers and police. Earlier this spring, those forces, those Afghan forces, secured an election in which Afghans voted for the first democratic transfer of power in their history. And at the end of this year, a new Afghan President will be in office and America’s combat mission will be over. 美国与盟友一道重创了“基地”组织核心，并击退了曾有可能席卷阿富汗全国的叛乱势力。但要保持这一进展，取决于阿富汗人自己能否胜任。因此，我们训练了数十万阿富汗军人和警察。今年春季早些时候，这些阿富汗部队保障了一场选举，使阿富汗人民为本国历史上首次民主权力交接投下选票。今年年底，一位新的阿富汗总统将就任，美国的作战任务也将结束。
Now, that was an enormous achievement made because of America’s armed forces. But as we move to a train-and-advise mission in Afghanistan, our reduced presence allows us to more effectively address emerging threats in the Middle East and North Africa. So, earlier this year, I asked my national security team to develop a plan for a network of partnerships from South Asia to the Sahel. 这是美国武装部队促成的一项巨大成就。随着我们在阿富汗转向训练与顾问任务，缩小后的驻军规模使我们能够更有效地应对中东和北非出现的新威胁。因此，今年早些时候，我请国家安全团队制定计划，建立一个从南亚延伸到萨赫勒地区的伙伴网络。
Today, as part of this effort, I am calling on Congress to support a new Counterterrorism Partnerships Fund of up to $5 billion, which will allow us to train, build capacity, and facilitate partner countries on the front lines. And these resources will give us flexibility to fulfill different missions, including training security forces in Yemen who have gone on the offensive against al Qaeda; supporting a multinational force to keep the peace in Somalia; working with European allies to train a functioning security force and border patrol in Libya; 今天，作为这项努力的一部分，我呼吁国会支持设立一项最高达50亿美元的新反恐伙伴基金，以便我们训练、增强能力并协助身处前线的伙伴国家。这些资源会让我们灵活执行不同任务，包括训练也门安全部队，使其主动打击“基地”组织；支持一支在索马里维持和平的多国部队；与欧洲盟友合作，在利比亚训练能够有效履职的安全部队和边境巡逻队；
and facilitating French operations in Mali. 以及协助法国在马里的行动。
A critical focus of this effort will be the ongoing crisis in Syria. As frustrating as it is, there are no easy answers, no military solution that can eliminate the terrible suffering anytime soon. As President, I made a decision that we should not put American troops into the middle of this increasingly sectarian war, and I believe that is the right decision. But that does not mean we shouldn’t help the Syrian people stand up against a dictator who bombs and starves his own people. 这项努力的一个关键重点，将是叙利亚持续不断的危机。尽管令人沮丧，但这里没有简单答案，也没有哪种军事方案能够在短期内消除可怕的苦难。作为总统，我决定不让美国军队卷入这场教派色彩日益浓重的战争，我相信这是正确的决定。但这并不意味着我们不应帮助叙利亚人民反抗那个轰炸自己的人民、让他们挨饿的独裁者。
And in helping those who fight for the right of all Syrians to choose their own future, we are also pushing back against the growing number of extremists who find safe haven in the chaos. 在帮助那些为全体叙利亚人选择自身未来的权利而战的人时，我们也在抵制越来越多利用混乱寻求安全庇护的极端分子。
So with the additional resources I’m announcing today, we will step up our efforts to support Syria’s neighbors -- Jordan and Lebanon; Turkey and Iraq -- as they contend with refugees and confront terrorists working across Syria’s borders. I will work with Congress to ramp up support for those in the Syrian opposition who offer the best alternative to terrorists and brutal dictators. 因此，凭借我今天宣布的新增资源，我们将加大力度支持叙利亚的邻国——约旦、黎巴嫩、土耳其和伊拉克——帮助它们应对难民问题，打击跨越叙利亚边境活动的恐怖分子。我会与国会合作，增加对叙利亚反对派中最能提供替代选择、取代恐怖分子和残暴独裁者的力量的支持。
And we will continue to coordinate with our friends and allies in Europe and the Arab World to push for a political resolution of this crisis, and to make sure that those countries and not just the United States are contributing their fair share to support the Syrian people. 我们也将继续与欧洲和阿拉伯世界的朋友及盟友协调，推动通过政治方式解决这场危机，并确保这些国家都为支持叙利亚人民承担应尽的份额，而不是只由美国出力。
Let me make one final point about our efforts against terrorism. The partnerships I’ve described do not eliminate the need to take direct action when necessary to protect ourselves. When we have actionable intelligence, that’s what we do -- through capture operations like the one that brought a terrorist involved in the plot to bomb our embassies in 1998 to face justice; or drone strikes like those we’ve carried out in Yemen and Somalia. There are times when those actions are necessary, and we cannot hesitate to protect our people. 关于反恐努力，我还要说最后一点。我刚才谈到的伙伴关系，并不能消除我们在必要时采取直接行动保护自己的需要。掌握可以付诸行动的情报时，我们就会行动：有时是实施抓捕，例如将一名参与策划1998年轰炸我方使馆的恐怖分子绳之以法；有时是在也门和索马里那样发动无人机打击。有些时候，这些行动是必要的，我们不能在保护人民时犹豫不决。
But as I said last year, in taking direct action we must uphold standards that reflect our values. That means taking strikes only when we face a continuing, imminent threat, and only where there is no certainty -- there is near certainty of no civilian casualties. For our actions should meet a simple test: We must not create more enemies than we take off the battlefield. 但正如我去年所说，采取直接行动时，我们必须遵守体现自身价值观的标准。这意味着只有面对持续而迫在眉睫的威胁时才实施打击，也只有在——不是“毫无把握”，而是在几乎可以确定不会造成平民伤亡时才行动。我们的行动应经得起一个简单的检验：我们不能制造比清除的人更多的敌人。
I also believe we must be more transparent about both the basis of our counterterrorism actions and the manner in which they are carried out. We have to be able to explain them publicly, whether it is drone strikes or training partners. I will increasingly turn to our military to take the lead and provide information to the public about our efforts. Our intelligence community has done outstanding work, and we have to continue to protect sources and methods. 我还认为，我们必须更公开地说明反恐行动的依据和实施方式。无论是无人机打击还是训练伙伴，我们都必须能够向公众解释。我将更多地让军方在这方面发挥主导作用，并向公众提供有关我们行动的信息。我们的情报机构工作出色，我们也必须继续保护情报来源和方法。
But when we cannot explain our efforts clearly and publicly, we face terrorist propaganda and international suspicion, we erode legitimacy with our partners and our people, and we reduce accountability in our own government. 但当我们无法清晰、公开地解释自己的行动时，就会面临恐怖分子的宣传和国际社会的猜疑，削弱伙伴及本国人民眼中的正当性，也会降低政府内部的问责程度。
And this issue of transparency is directly relevant to a third aspect of American leadership, and that is our effort to strengthen and enforce international order. 透明度问题直接关系到美国领导作用的第三个方面：我们为加强并维护国际秩序所作的努力。
After World War II, America had the wisdom to shape institutions to keep the peace and support human progress -- from NATO and the United Nations, to the World Bank and IMF. These institutions are not perfect, but they have been a force multiplier. They reduce the need for unilateral American action and increase restraint among other nations. 第二次世界大战后，美国明智地推动建立了一系列维护和平、支持人类进步的机构，从北约和联合国，到世界银行与国际货币基金组织。这些机构并不完美，却能放大我们的力量。它们减少美国单独行动的必要，也促使其他国家更加克制。
Now, just as the world has changed, this architecture must change as well. At the height of the Cold War, President Kennedy spoke about the need for a peace based upon, “a gradual evolution in human institutions.” And evolving these international institutions to meet the demands of today must be a critical part of American leadership. 如今，世界已经变化，这套架构也必须随之改变。在冷战最激烈的时候，肯尼迪总统谈到和平需要建立在“人类制度逐渐演进”的基础上。推动这些国际机构演进，使其满足今天的需要，必须成为美国领导作用的重要组成部分。
Now, there are a lot of folks, a lot of skeptics, who often downplay the effectiveness of multilateral action. For them, working through international institutions like the U.N. or respecting international law is a sign of weakness. I think they’re wrong. Let me offer just two examples why. 有许多人、许多怀疑论者，经常贬低多边行动的效力。在他们看来，通过联合国等国际机构合作，或尊重国际法，是软弱的表现。我认为他们错了。让我举两个例子说明原因。
In Ukraine, Russia’s recent actions recall the days when Soviet tanks rolled into Eastern Europe. But this isn’t the Cold War. Our ability to shape world opinion helped isolate Russia right away. Because of American leadership, the world immediately condemned Russian actions; Europe and the G7 joined us to impose sanctions; NATO reinforced our commitment to Eastern European allies; the IMF is helping to stabilize Ukraine’s economy; OSCE monitors brought the eyes of the world to unstable parts of Ukraine. 在乌克兰，俄罗斯最近的行动让人想起苏联坦克开进东欧的年代。但现在不是冷战。我们塑造世界舆论的能力帮助我们迅速孤立俄罗斯。由于美国的领导，世界立即谴责了俄罗斯的行动；欧洲和七国集团与我们一道实施制裁；北约重申了保护东欧盟友的承诺；国际货币基金组织帮助稳定乌克兰经济；欧洲安全与合作组织的观察员使世界关注乌克兰局势不稳的地区。
And this mobilization of world opinion and international institutions served as a counterweight to Russian propaganda and Russian troops on the border and armed militias in ski masks. 世界舆论和国际机构的这种动员，与俄罗斯的宣传、边境上的俄军以及戴滑雪面罩的武装民兵形成了制衡。
This weekend, Ukrainians voted by the millions. Yesterday, I spoke to their next President. We don’t know how the situation will play out and there will remain grave challenges ahead, but standing with our allies on behalf of international order working with international institutions, has given a chance for the Ukrainian people to choose their future without us firing a shot. 这个周末，数百万乌克兰人参加了投票。昨天，我与他们的下一任总统通了话。我们不知道局势将如何发展，今后仍会有严峻挑战；但我们同盟友一道维护国际秩序、与国际机构合作，使乌克兰人民有机会选择自己的未来，而我们无需开一枪。
Similarly, despite frequent warnings from the United States and Israel and others, the Iranian nuclear program steadily advanced for years. But at the beginning of my presidency, we built a coalition that imposed sanctions on the Iranian economy, while extending the hand of diplomacy to the Iranian government. And now we have an opportunity to resolve our differences peacefully. 同样，尽管美国、以色列等方面一再发出警告，伊朗的核计划多年来仍不断推进。但在我担任总统之初，我们建立了一个联盟，对伊朗经济实施制裁，同时向伊朗政府伸出外交之手。如今，我们有机会以和平方式解决分歧。
The odds of success are still long, and we reserve all options to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon. But for the first time in a decade, we have a very real chance of achieving a breakthrough agreement -- one that is more effective and durable than what we could have achieved through the use of force. And throughout these negotiations, it has been our willingness to work through multilateral channels that kept the world on our side. 成功的希望仍然不大，我们保留一切选项，以阻止伊朗获得核武器。但十年来我们第一次真正有机会达成突破性协议；这样的协议将比使用武力所能取得的成果更有效、更持久。在整个谈判过程中，正是我们愿意通过多边渠道合作，才让世界站在我们一边。
The point is this is American leadership. This is American strength. In each case, we built coalitions to respond to a specific challenge. Now we need to do more to strengthen the institutions that can anticipate and prevent problems from spreading. For example, NATO is the strongest alliance the world has ever known. 这就是美国的领导力，这就是美国的力量。在每个事例中，我们都建立联盟，应对具体挑战。现在，我们需要进一步加强那些能够预见问题并防止问题扩散的机构。例如，北约是世界有史以来最强大的联盟。
But we’re now working with NATO allies to meet new missions, both within Europe where our Eastern allies must be reassured, but also beyond Europe’s borders where our NATO allies must pull their weight to counterterrorism and respond to failed states and train a network of partners. 但我们现在正与北约盟友合作承担新任务：既要在欧洲让东部盟友放心，也要在欧洲之外让北约盟友为反恐、应对失能国家以及训练伙伴网络承担自己的那份责任。
Likewise, the U.N. provides a platform to keep the peace in states torn apart by conflict. Now we need to make sure that those nations who provide peacekeepers have the training and equipment to actually keep the peace, so that we can prevent the type of killing we’ve seen in Congo and Sudan. We are going to deepen our investment in countries that support these peacekeeping missions, because having other nations maintain order in their own neighborhoods lessens the need for us to put our own troops in harm’s way. It’s a smart investment. It’s the right way to lead. 同样，联合国为在饱受冲突摧残的国家维持和平提供了平台。现在我们必须确保派遣维和人员的国家得到足够的训练和装备，真正能够维持和平，以防止刚果和苏丹发生过的那类杀戮。我们将加大对支持维和任务的国家的投入，因为让其他国家维护本地区的秩序，可以减少我们让本国军人涉险的必要。这是明智的投资，也是正确的领导方式。
Keep in mind, not all international norms relate directly to armed conflict. We have a serious problem with cyber-attacks, which is why we’re working to shape and enforce rules of the road to secure our networks and our citizens. In the Asia Pacific, we’re supporting Southeast Asian nations as they negotiate a code of conduct with China on maritime disputes in the South China Sea. And we’re working to resolve these disputes through international law. 请记住，并非所有国际规范都直接涉及武装冲突。网络攻击是一个严重问题，因此我们正努力制定并执行保护网络和公民的行为规则。在亚太地区，我们支持东南亚国家就南海海上争端与中国谈判行为准则，并努力依据国际法解决这些争端。
That spirit of cooperation needs to energize the global effort to combat climate change -- a creeping national security crisis that will help shape your time in uniform, as we are called on to respond to refugee flows and natural disasters and conflicts over water and food, which is why next year I intend to make sure America is out front in putting together a global framework to preserve our planet. 这种合作精神也应激励全球应对气候变化。气候变化是一场逐步逼近的国家安全危机，它会影响你们的军旅生涯：我们将被要求应对难民流动、自然灾害，以及围绕水和粮食发生的冲突。正因如此，明年我打算确保美国走在前面，推动建立保护地球的全球框架。
You see, American influence is always stronger when we lead by example. We can’t exempt ourselves from the rules that apply to everybody else. We can’t call on others to make commitments to combat climate change if a whole lot of our political leaders deny that it’s taking place. We can’t try to resolve problems in the South China Sea when we have refused to make sure that the Law of the Sea Convention is ratified by our United States Senate, despite the fact that our top military leaders say the treaty advances our national security. That’s not leadership; that’s retreat. 你们看，美国以身作则时，影响力总是更强。我们不能让自己置身于适用于所有人的规则之外。如果许多政治领导人否认气候变化正在发生，我们就无法要求其他国家作出应对气候变化的承诺。如果我们拒绝确保美国参议院批准《联合国海洋法公约》，尽管我们最高级别的军事领导人认为该条约有助于国家安全，我们就无法尝试解决南海问题。这不是领导，而是退缩。
That’s not strength; that’s weakness. It would be utterly foreign to leaders like Roosevelt and Truman, Eisenhower and Kennedy. 这不是强大，而是软弱。罗斯福、杜鲁门、艾森豪威尔和肯尼迪这样的领导人会对此感到完全陌生。
I believe in American Exceptionalism with every fiber of my being. But what makes us exceptional is not our ability to flout international norms and the rule of law; it is our willingness to affirm them through our actions. And that’s why I will continue to push to close Gitmo -- because American values and legal traditions do not permit the indefinite detention of people beyond our borders. 我全心全意相信美国的独特性。但使我们与众不同的，并非我们藐视国际规范和法治的能力，而是我们愿意以行动维护它们。因此，我将继续推动关闭关塔那摩监狱，因为美国的价值观和法律传统不允许我们在境外无限期拘禁人们。
That’s why we’re putting in place new restrictions on how America collects and uses intelligence -- because we will have fewer partners and be less effective if a perception takes hold that we’re conducting surveillance against ordinary citizens. America does not simply stand for stability or the absence of conflict, no matter what the cost. We stand for the more lasting peace that can only come through opportunity and freedom for people everywhere. 因此，我们正对美国收集和使用情报的方式施加新的限制。因为如果外界形成我们在监视普通公民的印象，我们的伙伴会减少，行动也会更难奏效。美国所代表的，不只是稳定或不惜任何代价避免冲突。我们追求的是一种更持久的和平，而这种和平只能来自世界各地人民享有的机会与自由。
Which brings me to the fourth and final element of American leadership: Our willingness to act on behalf of human dignity. America’s support for democracy and human rights goes beyond idealism -- it is a matter of national security. Democracies are our closest friends and are far less likely to go to war. Economies based on free and open markets perform better and become markets for our goods. Respect for human rights is an antidote to instability and the grievances that fuel violence and terror. 这引出了美国领导作用的第四个、也是最后一个要素：我们愿意为人的尊严采取行动。美国支持民主和人权，不仅出于理想主义，也事关国家安全。民主国家是我们最亲密的朋友，彼此发生战争的可能性远低得多。建立在自由开放市场上的经济表现更好，也会成为我们商品的市场。尊重人权可以缓解不稳定和助长暴力与恐怖主义的不满情绪。
A new century has brought no end to tyranny. In capitals around the globe -- including, unfortunately, some of America’s partners -- there has been a crackdown on civil society. The cancer of corruption has enriched too many governments and their cronies, and enraged citizens from remote villages to iconic squares. And watching these trends, or the violent upheavals in parts of the Arab World, it’s easy to be cynical. 进入新世纪，暴政并未消失。在世界各地的首都——遗憾的是，包括美国一些伙伴国家——公民社会受到压制。腐败这颗毒瘤让太多政府及其亲信中饱私囊，也激怒了从偏远村庄到著名广场上的民众。看到这些趋势，或阿拉伯世界部分地区的暴力动荡，很容易让人变得悲观。
But remember that because of America’s efforts, because of American diplomacy and foreign assistance as well as the sacrifices of our military, more people live under elected governments today than at any time in human history. Technology is empowering civil society in ways that no iron fist can control. New breakthroughs are lifting hundreds of millions of people out of poverty. And even the upheaval of the Arab World reflects the rejection of an authoritarian order that was anything but stable, and now offers the long-term prospect of more responsive and effective governance. 但请记住，正是由于美国的努力、美国的外交和对外援助，以及军人的牺牲，如今生活在民选政府之下的人比人类历史上任何时候都多。技术正在以前所未有、铁腕也无法控制的方式赋予公民社会力量。新的突破让数亿人摆脱贫困。甚至阿拉伯世界的动荡，也反映了人们对一种根本不稳定的威权秩序的拒绝，并在长远来看为建立更回应民众、更有效的治理带来可能。
In countries like Egypt, we acknowledge that our relationship is anchored in security interests -- from peace treaties with Israel, to shared efforts against violent extremism. So we have not cut off cooperation with the new government, but we can and will persistently press for reforms that the Egyptian people have demanded. 在埃及这样的国家，我们承认双边关系以安全利益为基础，包括与以色列的和平条约，以及共同打击暴力极端主义的努力。因此，我们没有切断同新政府的合作，但我们能够、也将持续敦促其推进埃及人民所要求的改革。
And meanwhile, look at a country like Burma, which only a few years ago was an intractable dictatorship and hostile to the United States -- 40 million people. Thanks to the enormous courage of the people in that country, and because we took the diplomatic initiative, American leadership, we have seen political reforms opening a once closed society; a movement by Burmese leadership away from partnership with North Korea in favor of engagement with America and our allies. 与此同时，看看缅甸这样一个国家：就在几年前，它还是一个难以撼动、对美国怀有敌意的独裁政权，拥有四千万人口。由于那个国家人民表现出非凡勇气，也由于我们主动开展外交、发挥美国领导作用，我们看到了政治改革如何打开一个曾经封闭的社会；缅甸领导层也逐渐远离与朝鲜的伙伴关系，转而同美国及盟友接触。
We’re now supporting reform and badly needed national reconciliation through assistance and investment, through coaxing and, at times, public criticism. And progress there could be reversed, but if Burma succeeds we will have gained a new partner without having fired a shot. American leadership. 如今，我们通过援助和投资，通过劝说，有时也通过公开批评，支持改革和迫切需要的民族和解。那里的进展可能倒退，但如果缅甸取得成功，我们将不发一枪就获得一位新伙伴。这就是美国的领导力。
In each of these cases, we should not expect change to happen overnight. That’s why we form alliances not just with governments, but also with ordinary people. For unlike other nations, America is not afraid of individual empowerment, we are strengthened by it. We’re strengthened by civil society. We’re strengthened by a free press. We’re strengthened by striving entrepreneurs and small businesses. We’re strengthened by educational exchange and opportunity for all people, and women and girls. That’s who we are. That’s what we represent. 在这些事例中，我们都不应期待变化一夜之间发生。因此，我们不仅与政府结盟，也与普通民众结盟。与其他国家不同，美国不害怕个人获得力量；这会让我们更强大。公民社会让我们更强大，自由媒体让我们更强大，努力创业的人和小企业让我们更强大。教育交流，以及让所有人、包括妇女和女孩都享有机会，同样让我们更强大。这就是我们是谁，也是我们所代表的价值。
I saw that through a trip to Africa last year, where American assistance has made possible the prospect of an AIDS-free generation, while helping Africans care themselves for their sick. We’re helping farmers get their products to market, to feed populations once endangered by famine. We aim to double access to electricity in sub-Saharan Africa so people are connected to the promise of the global economy. And all this creates new partners and shrinks the space for terrorism and conflict. 去年访问非洲时，我亲眼看到了这一点。美国的援助为实现没有艾滋病的一代创造了希望，同时帮助非洲人自行照顾病患。我们帮助农民把产品运到市场，养活那些曾受到饥荒威胁的人们。我们致力于让撒哈拉以南非洲获得电力的人口翻倍，使人们得以分享全球经济的希望。所有这些都会带来新的伙伴，并压缩恐怖主义和冲突滋生的空间。
Now, tragically, no American security operation can eradicate the threat posed by an extremist group like Boko Haram, the group that kidnapped those girls. And that’s why we have to focus not just on rescuing those girls right away, but also on supporting Nigerian efforts to educate its youth. This should be one of the hard-earned lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan, where our military became the strongest advocate for diplomacy and development. 令人痛心的是，美国的任何安全行动都无法彻底消除“博科圣地”这类极端组织造成的威胁；正是这个组织绑架了那些女学生。因此，我们不仅要立即着力营救她们，也要支持尼日利亚教育本国青年的努力。这应当成为伊拉克和阿富汗战争以高昂代价换来的教训之一：在那里，我们的军队成了外交和发展援助最有力的倡导者。
They understood that foreign assistance is not an afterthought, something nice to do apart from our national defense, apart from our national security. It is part of what makes us strong. 他们明白，对外援助不是事后才想到的事，也不是与国防、国家安全无关的锦上添花。它是我们力量的一部分。
Ultimately, global leadership requires us to see the world as it is, with all its danger and uncertainty. We have to be prepared for the worst, prepared for every contingency. But American leadership also requires us to see the world as it should be -- a place where the aspirations of individual human beings really matters; where hopes and not just fears govern; where the truths written into our founding documents can steer the currents of history in a direction of justice. And we cannot do that without you. 归根结底，全球领导作用要求我们看清世界的现实，包括其中的一切危险和不确定性。我们必须为最坏情况、为各种意外做好准备。但美国的领导作用也要求我们看见世界应有的样子：在那里，每个人的愿望真正重要；希望而不只是恐惧能够主导生活；我们建国文献中写下的真理能够引导历史潮流走向正义。没有你们，我们做不到。
Class of 2014, you have taken this time to prepare on the quiet banks of the Hudson. You leave this place to carry forward a legacy that no other military in human history can claim. You do so as part of a team that extends beyond your units or even our Armed Forces, for in the course of your service you will work as a team with diplomats and development experts. You’ll get to know allies and train partners. And you will embody what it means for America to lead the world. 2014届毕业生，你们在哈得孙河宁静的河岸边利用这段时光做好了准备。离开这里时，你们将延续一份人类历史上其他军队都无法拥有的传承。你们是一个团队的一员，这个团队的范围超越你们所在的部队，甚至超越整个武装部队；在服役期间，你们将与外交官和发展专家并肩合作。你们会结识盟友、训练伙伴，并以自己的行动体现美国领导世界的意义。
Next week, I will go to Normandy to honor the men who stormed the beaches there. And while it’s hard for many Americans to comprehend the courage and sense of duty that guided those who boarded small ships, it’s familiar to you. At West Point, you define what it means to be a patriot. 下周，我将前往诺曼底，向当年冲上海滩的军人致敬。许多美国人或许难以想象那些登上小船的人所拥有的勇气和责任感，但你们对此并不陌生。在西点，你们诠释了爱国者的含义。
Three years ago, Gavin White graduated from this academy. He then served in Afghanistan. Like the soldiers who came before him, Gavin was in a foreign land, helping people he’d never met, putting himself in harm’s way for the sake of his community and his family, of the folks back home. Gavin lost one of his legs in an attack. I met him last year at Walter Reed. He was wounded, but just as determined as the day that he arrived here at West Point -- and he developed a simple goal. Today, his sister Morgan will graduate. 三年前，加文·怀特从这所军校毕业，随后在阿富汗服役。像先辈军人一样，加文身处异国，帮助素不相识的人，也为了自己的社区、家人和家乡的人们而将自己置于危险之中。一次袭击让加文失去了一条腿。去年，我在沃尔特·里德医院见到了他。他受了伤，却仍像当初来到西点时一样坚定，并为自己定下了一个简单的目标。今天，他的妹妹摩根将从这里毕业。
And true to his promise, Gavin will be there to stand and exchange salutes with her. 加文信守诺言，今天将站在这里，与妹妹互致军礼。
We have been through a long season of war. We have faced trials that were not foreseen, and we’ve seen divisions about how to move forward. But there is something in Gavin’s character, there is something in the American character that will always triumph. Leaving here, you carry with you the respect of your fellow citizens. You will represent a nation with history and hope on our side. Your charge, now, is not only to protect our country, but to do what is right and just. As your Commander-in-Chief, I know you will. 我们经历了漫长的战争岁月，面临过未曾预见的考验，也曾在如何前进的问题上产生分歧。但加文的品格中、美国人的品格中，有一种力量终将获胜。离开这里时，你们带着同胞的敬意。你们将代表一个有历史与希望相伴的国家。现在，你们的使命不仅是保卫国家，还要做正确而公正的事。作为你们的三军统帅，我知道你们一定能做到。
May God bless you. 愿上帝保佑你们。
May God bless our men and women in uniform. 愿上帝保佑我们的军人。
And may God bless the United States of America. 愿上帝保佑美利坚合众国。
